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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 974 0 Browse Search
John Dimitry , A. M., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.1, Louisiana (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 442 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 288 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 246 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 216 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 192 0 Browse Search
William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2 166 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 146 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 144 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 136 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) or search for Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) in all documents.

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at issue in sectional controversies the acquisition of Louisiana the Missouri Compromise the balance of power note thohibitory clause applied in 1820 to a portion of the Louisiana Territory. The difference between the Congress of the Confes of the territory acquired from France under the name of Louisiana; as it requires two parties to make or amend a treaty, Frd have cooperated in any amendment of the treaty by which Louisiana had been acquired, and which guaranteed to the inhabitantestations this was undisguised. The purchase of the Louisiana Territory from France in 1803, and the subsequent admission ofion of the Union. Yet, although negro slavery existed in Louisiana, no pretext was made of that as an objection to the acquinion of Missouri, the second state carved out of the Louisiana Territory. The controversy arose out of a proposition to attarever prohibiting slavery in all that portion of the Louisiana Territory lying north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes
the number of states. Each section had, therefore, the power of self-protection, and might feel secure against any danger of federal aggression. If the disturbance of that equilibrium had been the consequence of natural causes, and the government of the whole had continued to be administered strictly for the general welfare, there would have been no ground for complaint of the result. Under the old Confederation the Southern states had a large excess of territory. The acquisition of Louisiana, of Florida, and of Texas, afterward greatly increased this excess. The generosity and patriotism of Virgina led her, before the adoption of the Constitution, to cede the Northwest Territory to the United States. The Missouri Compromise surrendered to the North all the newly acquired region not included in the state of Missouri, and north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees and a half. The northern part of Texas was in like manner given up by the compromise of 1850; and the North, hav
ter 9: Preparation for withdrawal from the Union Northern precedents New England secessionists Cabot, Pickering, Quincy, etc. on the acquisition of Louisiana the Hartford convention the Massachusetts Legislature on the annexation of Texas, etc. The convention of South Carolina had already (on December 20, 1860) ut, and of a purpose entertained at various times to put it in execution. Notably is this true of Massachusetts and other New England states. The acquisition of Louisiana in 1803 had created much dissatisfaction in those states for the reason, expressed by an eminent citizen of Massachusetts, George Cabot, who had been United on from the Union, if deemed advisable by the ultimate and irreversible judgment of the people of a sovereign state. In 1811, on the bill for the admission of Louisiana as a state of the Union, the Hon. Josiah Quincy, a member of Congress from Massachusetts, said: If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is v
came purchaser of the inhabitants or of their political rights. Any question in regard to property has always been admitted to be matter for fair and equitable settlement, in case of the withdrawal of a state. The treaty by which the Louisiana territory was ceded to the United States expressly provided that the inhabitants thereof should be admitted, as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States. Ray's Louisiana Digest, Vol. I, p. 24. In all other acquisitions of territory the same stipulation is either expressed or implied. Indeed, the denial of the right would be inconsistent with the character of American political institutions. Another objection made to the right of secession is based upon obscure, indefinite, and inconsistent ideas with regard to allegiance. It assumes various shapes, and is therefore somewhat difficult to meet, but, as m
r the sovereignty of states and of regard for the limitations of the Constitution—to prevent a conflict of arms. The compromise of 1833 was adopted, which South Carolina agreed to accept, the principle for which she contended being virtually conceded. Meantime there had been no lack, as we have already seen, of assertions of the sovereign rights of the states from other quarters. The declaration of these rights by the New England states and their representatives, on the acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, on the admission of the state of that name in 1811-12, and on the question of the annexation of Texas in 1843-45, have been referred to in another place. Among the resolutions of the Massachusetts legislature, in relation to the proposed annexation of Texas, adopted in February, 1845, were the following: 2. Resolved, That there has hitherto been no precedent of the admission of a foreign state or foreign territory into the Union by legislation, granted in the Constitution of
ve been different. Certain resolutions, said to have been adopted in a meeting of Senators held on the evening of January 5th, Subjoined are the resolutions referred to, adopted by the Senators from Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas. Toombs of Georgia and Sebastian of Arkansas are said to have been absent from the meeting: Resolved, That, in our opinion, each of the States should, as soon as may be, secede from the Union. Resolved, That proviston or elsewhere, but acted for themselves, with an independence and unanimity unprecedented in any movement of such magnitude. Before the meeting of the caucus of January 5, 1861, South Carolina had seceded, and Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, and Texas had taken the initial step of secession, by calling conventions for its accomplishment. Before the election of Lincoln, all the Southern States, excepting one or two, had pledged themselves to separate from the Union upon the triump
Chapter 3: Secession of Mississippi and other States withdrawal of Senators address of the author on taking leave of the Senate answer to certain objections. Mississippi was the second state to withdraw from the Union, her ordinance of secession being adopted on January 9, 1861. She was quickly followed by Florida on the 10th, Alabama on the 11th, and, in the course of the same month, by Georgia on the 18th, and Louisiana on the 26th. The conventions of these states (together with that of South Carolina) agreed in designating Montgomery, Alabama, as the place, and February 4th as the day, for the assembling of a congress of the seceding states, to which each state convention, acting as the direct representative of the sovereignty of the people thereof, appointed delegates. Telegraphic intelligence of the secession of Mississippi had reached Washington some considerable time before the fact was officially communicated to me. This official knowledge I considered
a single vote in the Mississippi delegation against Mr. Davis, who was then, as he is now, the most eminent and popular of all the citizens of Mississippi. . . . Very respectfully, (Signed) J. A. P. Campbell. From the Hon. Duncan F. Kenner of Louisiana: . . . . My recollections of what transpired at the time are very vivid and positive. . . . Who should be President, was the absorbing question of the day. It engaged the attention of all present, and elicited many letters from our rnd spokesman. Of what occurred in these various meetings I can not speak authoritatively as to other States, as their proceedings were considered secret. I can speak positively, however, of what took place at a meeting of the delegates from Louisiana. We, the Louisiana delegates, without hesitation, and unanimously, after a very short session, decided in favor of Mr. Davis. No other name was mentioned; the claims of no one else were considered, or even alluded to. There was not the slight
Chapter 6: The Confederate cabinet task of selection an agreeable one due to unanimity of people Toombs of Georgia Mallory of Florida Benjamin of Louisiana Reagan of Texas Memminger of South Carolina Walker of Alabama. After being inaugurated, I proceeded to the formation of my cabinet, that is, the heads of the executive departments authorized by the laws of the provisional congress. The unanimity existing among our people made this a much easier and more agreeable tasthe Committee on Naval Affairs in the United States Senate, was extensively acquainted with the officers of the navy, and for a landsman had much knowledge of nautical affairs; therefore he was selected for Secretary of the Navy. Benjamin of Louisiana had a very high reputation as a lawyer, and my acquaintance with him in the Senate had impressed me with the The first Confederate cabinet lucidity of his intellect, his systematic habits, and capacity for labor. He was therefore invited t
ld no longer live and grow harmoniously together—by patriarchal teaching older than Christianity, it might have been learned that it was better to part, to part peaceably, and to continue, from one to another, the good offices of neighbors who by sacred memories were forbidden ever to be foes. The nomination of the members of the commission was made on February 25—within a week after my inauguration—and confirmed by Congress on the same day. The commissioners appointed were A. B. Roman of Louisiana, Martin J. Crawford of Georgia, and John Forsyth of Alabama. Roman was an honored citizen and had been governor of his native state; Crawford had served with distinction in Congress for several years; Forsyth was an influential journalist, and had been minister to Mexico under appointment of Pierce near the close of his term, and continued so under that of Buchanan. These gentlemen, moreover, represented the three great parties which had ineffectually opposed the sectionalism of the so-c<
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