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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 16,340 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 3,098 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 2,132 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 1,974 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 1,668 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 1,628 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1,386 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 1,340 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 1,170 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 1,092 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for United States (United States) or search for United States (United States) in all documents.

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he institution itself has ceased to exist in the United States; the generation, comprising all who took part in the importation of slaves into any part of the United States from and after the first day of January, 1808. as never since had legal existence in any of the United States. The question of the maintenance or extinction controversies respecting the territories of the United States, it does not, never did, and never could, imply it is well known, in the year 1784, ceded to the United States—then united only by the original Articles of Conrrison, the governor (afterward President of the United States), had been under consideration nearly two years article, inasmuch as the number of slaves in the United States would not be augmented by this measure. Resolamend a treaty, France and the government of the United States should have cooperated in any amendment of the ts, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States, and the free enjoyment of their liberty, proper
ed pleasantly away until my retirement was interrupted by an invitation to take a place in the cabinet of Pierce, who had been elected to the presidency of the United States in November, 1852. Although warmly attached to Pierce personally, and entertaining the highest estimate of his character and political principles, private andem. Several different parties were therefore organized to examine the various routes supposed to be practicable within the northern and southern limits of the United States. The arguments which I had used as a Senator were the military necessity for such means of transportation, and the need of safe and rapid communication with t suggested, and foundries employed, during the presidency of Pierce, 1853-57. Having been again elected by the legislature of Mississippi as Senator to the United States, I passed from the cabinet of Pierce, on the last day of his term (March 4, 1857) to take my seat in the Senate. The administration of Franklin Pierce prese
ition is not conclusive against the possession of power by the United States Congress to legislate slavery into or exclude it from territories belonging to the United States. This subject, which had for more than a quarter of a century been one of angry discussion and sectional strife, was revived, and found occasion for renewedeatly increased this excess. The generosity and patriotism of Virgina led her, before the adoption of the Constitution, to cede the Northwest Territory to the United States. The Missouri Compromise surrendered to the North all the newly acquired region not included in the state of Missouri, and north of the parallel of thirty-sixower of Congress to levy duties on imports, tariff laws were enacted, not merely to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States, as authorized by the Constitution, but, positively and primarily, for the protection against foreign competition of domestic manufactures. The effect of this
miliar with their history. The names adopted by political parties in the United States have not always been strictly significant of their principles. The old Fedand regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States. Under these grants of power, the uniform practice of the government had bcising it for the safety of the persons and property of all citizens of the United States permanently or temporarily resident in any part of the domain belonging to ons or property in the Territories, which are the common possessions of the United States, so as to give advantages to the citizens of one State which are not equallses power to annul or impair the constitutional right of any citizen of the United States to take his slave property into the common Territories, and there hold and of the mover. 6. Resolved, That the inhabitants of a Territory of the United States, when they rightfully form a Constitution to be admitted as a State into th
acy that the North had monopolized to herself more than three-fourths of all that had been added to the domain of the United States since the Declaration of Independence. This inequality, which began, as has been shown, in the more generous than wisd as the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States—a dogma which had never been held or declared by anybody, and which had no existence outside of their own assertion. chusetts) on the first ballot unanimously made choice of John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, then Vice-President of the United States, for the first office, and with like unanimity selected General Joseph Lane, then a Senator from Oregon, for the secord Everett of Massachusetts, both of whom had long been distinguished members of the Whig party. The people of the United States now had four rival tickets presented to them by as many contending parties, whose respective position and principles
as independent communities are light, in my estimation, compared with that which would hang over us if this Federal Government had such physical force; if its character was changed from a representative agent of States to a central Government, with a military power to be used at discretion against the States. To-day it may be the idea that it will be used against some State which nullifies the Constitution and the laws; some State which passes laws to obstruct or repeal the laws of the United States; some State which, in derogation of our rights of transit under the Constitution, passes laws to punish a citizen found there with property recognized by the Constitution of the United States, but prohibited by the laws of that State. But how long might it be before that same military force would be turned against the minority section which had sought its protection; and that minority thus become mere subjugated provinces under the great military government that it had thus contribute
s this true of Massachusetts and other New England states. The acquisition of Louisiana in 1803 had created much dissatisfaction in those states for the reason, expressed by an eminent citizen of Massachusetts, George Cabot, who had been United States Senator from Massachusetts for several years during the administration of Washington. See Life of Cabot, by Lodge, p. 334. that the influence of our [the Northeastern] part of the Union must be diminished by the acquisition of more weight atissolution of the Union from the Northeastern states. The legislature of Massachusetts in 1844 adopted a resolution declaring, in behalf of that state, that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, faithful to the compact between the people of the United States, according to the plain meaning and intent in which it was understood by them, is sincerely anxious for its preservation; but that it is determined, as it doubts not the other States are, to submit to undelegated powers in no body of men on e
had existed in all the states, or if there had not been a negro in America. No such pretension was made in 1803 or 1811, when the Louisiana r labor may be due. The President and Vice-President of the United States, every Senator and Representative in Congress, the members of egislature, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several States, were required to take an oath (or afell-known Dred Scott case) came before the Supreme Court of the United States, involving the whole question of the status of the African raceunited in declaring that a decision by the Supreme Court of the United States—the highest judicial tribunal in the land—would be accepted as ne, was unconstitutional and void. The Supreme Court of the United States in stating (through Chief Justice Taney) their decision in the Dred Scott case, in 1857 say: In that portion of the United States where the labor of the negro race was found to be unsuited to the climate
ke into consideration the situation of the United States, to devise such further provisions as shalreport such an act for that purpose to the United States in Congress assembled, as, when agreed to ion with reference to the situation of the United States; 2. To devise such alterations and provorting such an act for that purpose to the United States in Congress, as, when agreed to by them, a such act or acts for that purpose, to the United States in Congress assembled, as, when agreed to e appointed and authorized by other of the United States, at the time and place designated, and to nd to join in reporting such an act to the United States in Congress assembled, as, when approved aorting such an act for that purpose to the United States in Congress assembled, as, when agreed to s as may be agreed to by a majority of the United States in convention, to the Congress of the Unitares that, in determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each State shall ha[4 more...]
ational Government in the resolution above quoted, and to insert the words Government of the United States, which he said was the proper title. He wished also the plan to go forth as an amendment ofecessions. Gerry, a distinguished member from Massachusetts—afterward Vice-President of the United States—said, If nine out of thirteen (States) can dissolve the compact, six out of nine will be justinguished writers of later date, that the Constitution was established by the people of the United States in the aggregate. If such had been the case, the will of a majority, duly ascertained and eate to the exigencies of government and the preservation of the Union; that the terms Union, United States, Federal Constitution, and Constitution of the Federal Government, were applied to the old cof our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the twelfth. In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names. [Followed
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