Named Entity Results, Stephen A. Douglas

es would fain have been. When we stood like a wall of stone vomiting fire from the heights of Gettysburg, nailed to our position through three long days of mortal hell, did we ask each other whether that brave officer who fell while gallantly leading the counter-charge, whether that cool gunner steadily serving his piece before us midst the storm of shot and shell, whether the poor, wounded, mangled, gasping comrades, crushed and torn, and dying in agony around us, had voted for Lincoln or Douglas, for Breckenridge or Bell? We then were full of other thoughts. We prized men for what they were worth to the common country of us all, and recked not of empty words. Was the man true, was he brave, was he earnest, was all we thought of then, not did he vote or think with us, or label himself with our party name. This lesson let us try to remember. We cannot give to party all that we once offered to country, but our duty is not yet done. We are no longer, what we have been, the young

lave trade was advocated. Finally, on Friday, the 22d, the majority report was adopted, and the places of most of the seceders, who were unseated, were filled by Douglas men. Then there was another secession of delegates from the slave-labor States, and on the following morning Mr. Cushing and a majority of the Massachusetts delegnsas (Mr. Flournoy), a slave-holder and friend of the system, was so liberal that it had a powerful effect upon delegates from the free-labor States in favor of Mr. Douglas. Of 194 votes cast on the second ballot, Mr. Douglas received 181, and he was declared duly nominated. Mr. Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, nominated for Vice-PresideMr. Douglas received 181, and he was declared duly nominated. Mr. Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, nominated for Vice-President, declined two days afterwards, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, was substituted. The convention adjourned June 23, 1860. Early in January, 1861, Gov. John A. Andrew (q. v.), of Massachusetts, tendered troops to the government for its protection. Fort Sumter was attacked, and on the day when the President's call for troo

wal of principles which should promise a guarantee for the speedy recognition by the national government and the people, in a political way, of the system of slavery as a national institution. The most prominent candidate for the Presidency in the convention was Stephen A. Douglas, who was committed to an opposite policy concerning slavery, and whose friends would never vote for the demands of the extreme pro-slavery men. This the latter well knew. They also knew that the rejection of Mr. Douglas by the representatives of the slaveholders would split the Democratic party, and they resolved to act, it is said, in accordance with their convictions. They held the dissevering wedge in their own hands, and they determined to use it with effect. A committee of one delegate from each State was appointed to prepare a platform of principles for the action of the convention. Benjamin F. Butler (q. v.) of Massachusetts, proposed in that committee to adopt the doctrine of the right of the

Forrest, Edwin 1806-1872 Actor; born in Philadelphia, Pa., March 9, 1806. While still a boy he began performing female and juvenile parts, being especially remembered as Young Norval in Home's play of Douglas. His first appearance on the professional stage was on Nov. 27, 1820, at the Walnut Street Theatre, Philadelphia, in the title role of Douglas. After a long professional tour in the West, during which he undertook several Shakespearian characters, he filled engagements in Albany anDouglas. After a long professional tour in the West, during which he undertook several Shakespearian characters, he filled engagements in Albany and Philadelphia, and then appeared as Othello at the Park Theatre, New York, in 1826. He met with remarkable success, owing to his superb form and presence and his natural genius. Not being satisfied with merely local fame, he played in all the large cities in the United States. His chief characters were Othello, Macbeth, Hamlet, Richard III., Metamora and Spartacus, the last of which he made exceedingly effective by his immense energy. In 1835 he went to England and the Continent, and playe

nd the government went on without a shock to its steady movement. See cabinet, President's. On Aug. 14, 1866, a convention was held in Philadelphia, composed largely of Confederate leaders and their sympathizers in the North, for the purpose of organizing a new political party, with President Johnson as its standard-bearer. Whereupon Johnson and a part of his cabinet made a circuitous journey to Chicago, ostensibly for the purpose of being present at the dedication of a monument to Senator Douglas. He harangued the people on the way in language so unbecoming the dignity of a chief magistrate of the republic that the nation felt a relief from mortification after his return in September. He had denounced Congress as an illegal body, deserving of no respect. The tour, made wholly for political effect, extended to St. Louis. His conduct at Cleveland and St. Louis was so offensive that the common councils of Cincinnati and Pittsburg refused to accord him a public reception. The

eral character, particularly in response to what has fallen from Senators who have raised themselves to eminence on this floor in championship of human wrongs. I mean the Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Butler) and the Senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas), who, though unlike as Don Quixote and Sancho Panza, yet, like this couple, sally forth together in the same adventure. I regret much to miss the elder Senator from his seat; but the cause, against which he has run atilt with such activityh to dislodge from the high places of the government the tyrannical sectionalism of which the Senator from South Carolina is one of the maddest zealots. . . . As the Senator from South Carolina is the Don Quixote, the Senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas) is the squire of slavery, its very Sancho Panza, ready to do all its humiliating offices. This Senator, in his labored address, vindicating his labored report—piling one mass of elaborate error upon another mass—constrained himself, as you w