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the North, have been Daniel Webster and Joseph Story, both from Massachusetts. Webster was, for a long time, a Senator in Congress, and Store as jealous, in this respect, as the Southern States. Next to Massachusetts, New Hampshire has been, perhaps, the most fanatical and bittereclare this truth, and thus put it beyond cavil in the future. Massachusetts expressed herself as follows, in connection with her ratificatie by them exercised. Webster and Story had not yet arisen in Massachusetts, to teach the new doctrine that the Constitution had been formeted-States, in contra-distinction to the people of the States. Massachusetts did not speak in the name of any such people, but in her own nat of the Constitution, similar to that which was recommended by Massachusetts, making explicit reservation of her sovereignty, but she annexemendment—the same, substantially, as that urged by Virginia and Massachusetts: That each State in the Union shall respectively [not aggregate
In 1820, Mr. Monroe was re-elected over John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, by a majority of 231 votes to 13. Besides Monroe and Adams, Cs, than is implied in the Presidential elections above quoted. Massachusetts, the leader of these States in intellect, and in energy, impati, to the sea, and unlocked the mouths of that great river. But Massachusetts saw in the purchase, nothing more than the creation of addition most able and influential members of Congress of that day from Massachusetts was Mr. Josiah Quincy. In a speech on this bill, that gentlemeted men from on board the United States ship of war Chesapeake. Massachusetts was furious; she insisted that war should be declared forthwithlared. But the first burst of her passion having spent itself, Massachusetts found that she had been indiscreet; her shipping began to suffe and finally, when the South threw herself on the defensive, as Massachusetts had threatened to do, in 1803 and 1815, she subjugated her.
s to a separation, except indeed incidentally, when the tariff system was alluded to, as the motive which had induced Massachusetts and the other. Northern States, to change their StateRights doctrine. It was stated in the opening chapter, that wn historians. Indeed it could not be otherwise, for the origin of the two sections has been diverse. Virginia, and Massachusetts were the two original germs, from which the great majority of the American populations has sprung; and no two peoples dashing cavaliers, who, as a class, afterward adhered to the fortunes of the Charleses, whilst the first settlers of Massachusetts were composed of the same materials, that formed the Praise-God-Barebones parliament of Cromwell. These two peoplenes of the Charleses waned, the Cavaliers fled to Virginia; when the fortunes of Cromwell waned, the Puritans fled to Massachusetts. Trade occasionally drew the two peoples together, but they were repelled at all other points. Thus these germs gre
ut several, nullified the law of 1793. They said in effect, We will not execute it. No runaway slave shall be restored. Thus the law became a dead letter. But here was the Constitution, and compact still binding; here was the stipulation, as solemn as words could form it, and which every member of Congress, every officer of the General Government, every officer of the State government, from governors down to constables, is sworn to support. It has been said in the States of New York, Massachusetts, and Ohio, over and over again, that the law shall not be executed. That was the language in conventions, in Worcester, Massachusetts; in Syracuse, New York, and elsewhere. And for this they pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors. Now, gentlemen, these proceedings, I say it upon my professional reputation, are distinctly treasonable. And the act of taking Shadrick [a fugitive slave] from the public authorities, in Boston, and sending him off, was an act of clear
pmen at large, whom the President was authorized to appoint—the intention being that he should appoint the sons of deceased officers of the Army and Navy, but the fact being that he generally gave the appointment to his political friends —the appointments to these schools were made from the several States, in proportion to population, and as a matter of course, the North got the lion's share. But supposing the States to have been equally represented in those schools, what would have been the result? Why, simply that the South not only educated her own boys, but educated three fourths of the Northern boys, to boot. Virginia, for instance, at the same time that she sent young Robert E. Lee to West Point, to be educated, put in the public treasury not only money enough to pay for his education, and maintenance, but for the education and maintenance of three Massachusetts boys! How ungrateful of Lee, afterward, being thus a charity scholar of the North, to draw his sword against h
irginia, and which had been laid out by Washington. As I left the Baltimore depot, extra trains were still pouring their thousands into the streets of Washington. I arrived in New York, the next day, and during the next three weeks, visited the West Point Academy, whither I went to see a son, who was a cadet at the Institution, and who afterward became a major of light artillery, in the Confederate service; and made a tour through the principal work-shops of New York, Connecticut, and Massachusetts. I found the people everywhere, not only willing, but anxious to contract with me. I purchased large quantities of percussion caps in the city of New York, and sent them by express without any disguise, to Montgomery. I made contracts for batteries of light artillery, powder, and other munitions, and succeeded in getting large quantities of the powder shipped. It was agreed between the contractors and myself, that when I should have occasion to use the telegraph, certain other words
ne, and then the other, we hove them to, successively, by hail, and brought the masters on board. They both proved to be brigantines, and were American, as we had supposed:—one, the Ben. Dunning, of Maine, and the other, the Albert Adams, of Massachusetts. They had come out of the port of Cienfuegos, only a few hours before, were both sugar laden, and their cargoes were documented as Spanish property. We hastily threw prize crews on board of them, and directed the prize masters to stand in fx sail, and when the sea breeze set in next morning, which it did between nine and ten o'clock, I led into the harbor, the fleet following. The three newly captured vessels were the bark West Wind, of Rhode Island; the bark Louisa Kilham, of Massachusetts, and the brigantine Naiad, of New York. They had all cargoes of sugar, which were covered by certificates of neutral property. When the Sumter came abreast of the small fort, which has already been noticed, we were surprised to see the sent
t day, the 4th, I captured the brigantines Cuba and Machias, both of Maine, also. They were laden with sugars. I sent them to Cienfuegos, Cuba. On the 5th of July, I captured the brigs Ben. Dunning, and Albert Adams, owned in New York, and Massachusetts. They were laden, also, with sugars. I sent them to Cienfuegos. On the next day, the 6th, I captured the barks West Wind, and Louisa Kilham, and the brig Naiad, all owned in New York, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts. I sent them, also, toMassachusetts. I sent them, also, to Cienfuegos. On the same day, I ran into that port, myself, reported my captures to the authorities, and asked leave for them to remain, until they could be adjudicated. The Government took them in charge, until the Home Government should give directions concerning them. I coaled ship, and sailed, again, on the 7th. On the 17th I arrived at the Island of Curacoa, without having fallen in with any of the enemy's ships. I coaled again, here—having had some little difficulty with the Govern
lat, by appearing to beard the British lion, hoping that the lion would submit, in silence to the indignity, Mr. Seward committed one of those blunders which was equivalent to a great crime, since it humiliated an entire people, and put on record against them one of those damaging pages that historians cannot, if they would, forget. The following were the closing lines of this famous despatch:— The four persons in question are now held in military custody, at Fort Warren, in the State of Massachusetts. They will be cheerfully liberated. Your lordship will please indicate a time, and place, for receiving them. When I read this paragraph, I experienced two sensations—one, of disappointment at the loss of an ally, with whose aid we would be sure to gain the independence for which we were struggling, and one, of mortification, that an American nation had been so greatly humbled, before an European Power; for though the Federal States were my enemies, as between them and foreign
low than it had ever yet received. But a different policy was pursued, and the orders to capture, first issued, were confined to vessels bringing stores and supplies to the British forces in America. It was as late as November, 1775, before Massachusetts, the colony which was the seat of war, and which may be said to have taken the lead in the revolt, established Courts of Admiralty, and enacted laws for the encouragement of nautical enterprise. The reader observes, from the above passage, from the historian, how circumstances alter cases. The nautical enterprise here spoken of, is the same kind of nautical enterprise which has been charged, by virtuous Massachusetts, whose people were in such haste to grow rich by privateering, against the Alabama, as piracy. The rush was not, it seems, to the ships of war of the regular navy, to fight the battles of the country, but to the privateers, which promised so many flattering results. It took a little time to warm the Congress and
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