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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,632 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 998 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 232 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 156 0 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 142 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 138 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 134 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 130 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 130 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 126 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Europe or search for Europe in all documents.

Your search returned 69 results in 25 document sections:

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nnouncement of every victory obtained by the hero of the nineteenth century, Garibaldi, in favor of the oppressed of Italy, did not fail to electrify every American heart with joy and gladness. Where liberty dwells there is my country, was the declaration of the illustrious Franklin. This principle is too strongly implanted in the heart and mind of every man in the free States, to be surrendered because South Carolina desires it in order to extend the area of slavery. With A christianized Europe and nearly all the civilized world opposed to slavery, are the Southern States prepared to set aside the barriers which shield and protect their institutions under the United States government? Would the separation of the South from the North, give greater security to slavery than it has now under the Constitution of the Union? What security would they have for the return of runaway slaves? I apprehend none ; whilst the number of runaways would be greatly augmented, and the difficulties o
hose patriotic captiousness when in the society of Europeans is so remarkable, should be so ready to divide and to give up the ties of fellow-citizenship for a cause which strangers are unable to appreciate. Still stranger is it that a chief magistrate, who would have plunged the world in war rather than a suspicious craft should be boarded by English officers after it had displayed the Stars and Stripes, or would have done battle against despots for any naturalized refugee from Continental Europe, should, without scruple, and against the advice of his own Secretary of State, declare the Federal Union dissolved whenever a refractory State chooses to secede. It may well be imagined that the American people have been taken by surprise, both by the suddenness and violence of the outcry for secession, and by the ready concessions of the President. From the day the message appeared it was evident that South Carolina no longer formed part of the Union. The State had, by every organ whi
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 45.--an English protest against Southern recognition. (search)
t was evidently thought, catch the ear of Americans, to whom that Declaration is as familiar as the Lord's Prayer; and it might entrap the imagination of foreigners who might not have paid sufficient attention to the course of American affairs to detect its inapplicability. One does not look for extreme accuracy or for any impartiality in political manifestoes issued by revolutionary officials, on their first attempt to rule the people they have raised; but it may be doubted whether in any European conflict within this revolutionary century any document has appeared more impudently false than Mfr. Jefferson Davis's Address. It is so incredible that he and any hearers qualified for political action can be self-deceived to such a point as to believe what he was saying, that we can only suppose the object to be to lead the ignorant people about them by the sound of familiar and venerated words, trusting to their inability to perceive the baselessness of the thoughts. If the poor whites
We have all the essential elements of a high national career. The idea has been given out at the North, and even in the Border States, that we are too small and too weak to maintain a separate nationality. This is a great mistake. In extent of territory we embrace 564,000 square miles and upwards. This is upwards of 200,000 square miles more than was included within the limits of the original Thirteen States. It is an area of country more than double the territory of France or the Austrian Empire. France, in round numbers, has but 212,000 square miles. Austria, in round numbers, has 248,000 square miles. Ours is greater than both combined. It is greater than all France, Spain, Portugal and Great Britain, including England, Ireland, and Scotland, together. In population, we have upwards of 5,000,000, according to the census of 1860; this includes white and black. The entire population, including white and black, of the original Thirteen States, was less than 4,000-000 in 17
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 57.--a proclamation.-by the President of the United States. (search)
e it self-sustaining. Let us now test the question; let the strong arm of the law be seen and felt; let the authority of the Government be earnestly asserted; let every right and power of the nation be presented in its own defence, and then let European despotism mock at us if they dare. Philadelphia News. The Secession leaders are relying very largely upon the first shock of battle for the promotion of a general Secession feeling in the Southern States. They ought, however, to considerates now assuming an attitude of rebellion, will not long be tolerated by the people. If we have no nobler purposes than to gratify our passions, we shall soon witness a sudden and overwhelming reaction all over the North, and the Governments of Europe will interfere to bring our quarrels to a close. We must not long embarrass the commerce of the country. England looks to the South for cotton, and will not, for any length of time, permit the blockading of Southern ports. The refusal of t
at historian, beneath the banner of the cross, Europe precipitated itself upon Asia. Beneath the bathis be so, we have indeed, no government, and Europe may well speak of us with contempt and derisiose to be American citizens, and the despots of Europe will rejoice in the failure of the great experand have been living in an age of revolution. Europe has rocked to and fro and surged under the tree he rules, as any who sits upon any throne of Europe. (Applause, and cries of That's so. Three gron. Were all the armies and all the fleets of Europe bound for our shores to invade us, it would noory and of hope. Fellow-citizens, all through Europe, when down-trodden men look up and seek for so to guard the one, and restore the other. How Europe stares and liberty shudders, as from State afty the slaveholding tyrant, the lickspittle of European despots, who thinks he can tear down this sacead of his army, which the combined despots of Europe were wont to estimate as a reinforcement of on[1 more...]
to 80 years of age, are in robust health and finest spirits, and filled with the most ardent devotion to their officers. The regiment was enrolled, uniformed, drilled, and ready for service in three days. Col. Burnside and many of the officers of the regiment, and of Gov. Sprague's staff:, have served with distinction in Mexico. Moses Jenkins, a private in this regiment; is a gentleman worth one million dollars. When the regiment was organized he destroyed his ticket for a passage to Europe that he might remain to fight in defence of the flag of his country. The Rev. Augustus Woodbury resigned his charge unconditionally; the trustees refused at first to accept his resignation. The Rev. gentleman was so determined, however, that they decided to receive his resignation, to supply his place, and to continue his salary, and presented him $100. Many of the officers and men are wealthy, members of rich houses in Newport and Providence, and all are of the best blood of Rhode Is
ch; but proclaim Liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof. [Loud cheers.] I said, civil war needs momentous and solemn justification. Europe, the world, may claim of us, that before we blot the nineteenth century by an appeal to arms, we shall exhaust every means to keep the peace; otherwise, an appealade go down? When Napoleon came back from Elba, when his fate hung trembling in the balance, and he wished to gather around him the sympathies of the liberals of Europe, he no sooner set foot in the Tuileries than he signed the edict abolishing the slave trade against which the Abolitionists of England and France had protested fonists, who thank God that he has let them see His salvation before they die. (Cheers.) The noise and dust of the conflict may hide the real question at issue. Europe may think — some of us may — that we are fighting for forms and parchments, for sovereignty and a flag. But really, the war is one of opinion; it is Civilization
Doc. 83.--opinion of the Liverpool times. The latest accounts from America are ominous in the extreme, and it is greatly to be feared that the North and the South will, after all, come to blows. We had hoped a different result, and we hope so still, but it is useless to disguise the feeling which prevails not less in New York than in Charleston, that a deadly collision is impending — a fratricidal war imminent. For this melancholy state of things people in Europe were not prepared. The tone of the new President's inaugural address pointed to war; but his subsequent conduct has been at variance with this belief, and hopes were entertained that, as the South could not be again seduced into the Union, she would not be coerced. We may receive, at any hour or any day, intelligence that the deadly conflict has begun; and once commenced, there is no telling how long it may continue, or where it may end. America, in this hour of her fate, can be said to owe little to the judgment
ering a dissolution of this Union to take place in any way whatever. There will be here only one nation and one government, and there will be the same republic and the same constitutional Union that have already survived a dozen national changes and changes of government in almost every other country. These will stand hereafter, as they are now, objects of human wonder and human affection. You have seen, on the eve of your departure, the elasticity of the national spirit, the vigor of the national Government, and the lavish devotion of the national treasures to this great cause. Tell M. Thouvenel, then, with the highest consideration and good feeling, that the thought of a dissolution of this Union, peaceably or by force, has never entered into the mind of any candid statesman here, and it is high time that it be dismissed by statesmen in Europe. I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, Wm. H. Seward. to William L. Dayton, Esq., &c. &c. --N. Y. Evening Post, May 6.
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