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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 2,462 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 692 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 516 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition. 418 0 Browse Search
C. Julius Caesar, Gallic War 358 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 298 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 230 0 Browse Search
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia. 190 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 186 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 182 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for France (France) or search for France (France) in all documents.

Your search returned 39 results in 19 document sections:

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r myself and for you, that, bating some little differences of opinion about advantages, and about proscription, and about office, and about freedom, and about slavery and all those which are family difficulties, for which we do not take any outsiders in any part of the world into our councils on either side, there is not a state on the earth, outside of the American Union, which I like half so well as I do the state of South Carolina--[cheers]--neither England, nor Ireland, nor Scotland, nor France, nor Turkey; although .from Turkey they sent me Arab horses, and from South Carolina they send me nothing but curses. Still, I like South Carolina better than I like any of them ; and I have the presumption and vanity to believe that if there were nobody to overhear the state of South Carolina when she is talking, she would confess that she liked us tolerably well. I am very sure that if anybody were to make a descent on New York to-morrow — whether Louis Napoleon, or the Prince of Wales,
s included within the limits of the original Thirteen States. It is an area of country more than double the territory of France or the Austrian Empire. France, in round numbers, has but 212,000 square miles. Austria, in round numbers, has 248,000 France, in round numbers, has but 212,000 square miles. Austria, in round numbers, has 248,000 square miles. Ours is greater than both combined. It is greater than all France, Spain, Portugal and Great Britain, including England, Ireland, and Scotland, together. In population, we have upwards of 5,000,000, according to the census of 1860; tFrance, Spain, Portugal and Great Britain, including England, Ireland, and Scotland, together. In population, we have upwards of 5,000,000, according to the census of 1860; this includes white and black. The entire population, including white and black, of the original Thirteen States, was less than 4,000-000 in 1790, and still less in 1776, when the independence of our fathers was achieved. If they, with a less populae, and patriotism. All that is required is to cultivate and perpetuate these. Intelligence will not do without virtue. France was a nation of philosophers. These philosophers became Jacobins. They lacked that virtue, that devotion to moral princ
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 57.--a proclamation.-by the President of the United States. (search)
ver and above the receipts of the Government from customs and land sales, if necessary to defray the expenses of the war for a year from this date, could be readily borrowed in Wall street, at a rate of interest certainly not exceeding that which France and England paid for the money which they borrowed for the Russian war. If for the purpose of bringing the war to an end, and settling this controversy of ours forever, a further sum be requisite, it will be forthcoming. Wall street, so far as wto an intensely hostile country, and to them most unpropitious climate. They will have, after the excitement is over, little heart in the business. There will be no laurels to win. The rest of mankind will give them no credit. Even England and France deplore the strife, and offer prayers that it may cease. Every patriot will feel ashamed of the fratricidal war. They will meet an enemy skilled in war, as proud and vain as ever trod a battle — field — an enemy fighting for his home and his fir
the people; that at any time the people can alter, amend, or, if they pleased, totally abrogate the Government. But while this right was recognized, it was still their duty to observe the sacredness of contracts. The people of Great Britain, of France, and other nations of the world, with whom we have made treaties through our lawful counsellors, recognize the people living on the continent, within certain jurisdictions, as a nation. And though the people here might, if they pleased, change tlt must be washed out in blood. Nothing else can restore its tarnished lustre. A flag is the representation of history, the emblem of heroic daring and of brave deeds. The associations of a flag alone make it sacred. Who sees the tri-color of France, without thinking of Napoleon and the army of Italy, of Marengo and Austerlitz, of Moscow and Waterloo? No man can read of the strife of Lexington and Concord, whose heart does not thrill with emotion at this glorious baptism of the Stars and St
t to forts and national property goes with it. Granted. She says, also, that it is no matter that we bought Louisiana of France, and Florida of Spain. No bargain made, no money paid between us and France or Spain, could rob Florida or Louisiana of France or Spain, could rob Florida or Louisiana of her right to remodel her Government whenever the people found it would be for their happiness. So far, right. the people — mark you! South Carolina presents herself to the Administration at Washington, and says, There is a vote of my Convention, t foot in the Tuileries than he signed the edict abolishing the slave trade against which the Abolitionists of England and France had protested for many years in vain. And the trade went down, because Napoleon felt that he must do something to gild the darkening hour of his second attempt to clutch the sceptre of France. How did the slave system go down? When, in 1848, the Provisional Government found itself in the Hotel de Ville, obliged to do something to draw to itself the sympathy and libe
suppose that Mr. Lincoln and his supporters, after their recent declarations, would have recourse to this diabolical policy; and yet, short of it, we can see no reasonable prospects of success in soliciting an encounter with the South. Three or four millions of black auxiliaries, pressed into the service of the Washington Cabinet, might turn the scale — but at what a price! If civil war has really commenced between the North and the South, we hope that the representatives of England and France at Washington have been instructed by their respective governments to tender their aid as mediators before the struggle has roused all the fierce passions which if continued for any length of time, are certain to be called into play. Both nations wish well to the American people: both are alike interested in the general prosperity of the country in every latitude; and both are impelled towards it by the strongest sympathy that can animate friendly nations. This seems to us the last resource
zed government. If such proclamation was issued, it could only have been published under the sudden influence of passion, and we may rest assured that mankind will be spared the horrors of the conflict it seems to invite. For the details of the administration of the different departments, I refer to the reports of the secretaries of each, which accompany this message. The State Department has furnished the necessary instructions for those commissioners who have been sent to England, France, Russia and Belgium, since your adjournment, to ask our recognition as a member of the family of nations, and to make with each of these powers treaties of amity and commerce. Further steps will be taken to enter into like negotiations with the other European Powers, in pursuance to resolutions passed at your last session. Sufficient time has not yet elapsed since the departure of these commissioners for the receipt of any intelligence from them. As I deem it desirable that commissi
the events going on in the United States might be productive of some possible inconvenience to the people and subjects of France, but he was determined that those inconveniences shall be made as light and transient as possible, and so far as it may rle an appeal would be made before long by the Confederate States to foreign powers, and among others to the Government of France, for the recognition of their independence; that no such appeal having yet been made, it was premature and out of place t in its integrity was to be desired for the benefit of the people of the North and South, as well as for the interests of France; and the Government of the United States might rest well assured that no hasty or precipitate action would be taken on the disturbed condition of affairs at home, but at the same time gives us no information concerning the state of affairs in France. The instructions heretofore transmitted to you, will show you the President's views on the subject Mr. Faulkner has d
f that territory is not the principal element in the disaster. The world is wide enough for all. It is the loss of the southern marine frontier which is fatal to the Republic. Florida and the vast Louisiana territory purchased by the Union from foreign countries, and garnished with fortresses at the expense of the Union, are fallen with all these improvements into the hands of a foreign and unfriendly Power. Should the dire misfortune of a war with a great maritime nation, with England or France for example, befall the Union, its territory, hitherto almost impregnable, might now be open to fleets and armies acting in alliance with a hostile Confederacy, which has become possessed of an important part of the Union's maritime line of defence. Moreover, the Union has 12,000 ships, numbering more than 5,000,000 tons, the far greater part of which belongs to the Free States, and the vast commerce of the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico requires and must receive protection at every haz
tate. You legislators, I speak it respectfully, are but our servants. You are the servants of the people, and not their masters. Power resides with the people in this country. The great difference between our country and all others, such as France and England and Ireland, is, that here there is popular sovereignty, while there sovereignty is exercised by kings and favored classes. This principle of popular sovereignty, however much derided lately, is the foundation of our institutions. Ceferred. Before we commit reprisals on New England we should exhaust every means of bringing about a peaceful solution of the question. Thus did Gen. Jackson in the case of the French. He did not recommend reprisals until he had treated with France, and got her to promise to make indemnification, and it was only on her refusal to pay the money which she had promised that he recommended reprisals. It was after negotiation had failed. I do think, therefore, that it would be best, before goi
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