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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 58 58 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 23 23 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 10: The Armies and the Leaders. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 16 16 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 16 16 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 13 13 Browse Search
Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.1, Alabama (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 9 9 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 9 9 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 8 8 Browse Search
James D. Porter, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 7.1, Tennessee (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 7 7 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 1: The Opening Battles. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 5 5 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865. You can also browse the collection for May, 1861 AD or search for May, 1861 AD in all documents.

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t his efforts to procure war-vessels in Europe were made shortly after his inauguration as President, and as soon as he had discovered that none could be purchased at the North. From this, and with the facts here submitted, it seems clear that, if Mr. Davis sent an agent to purchase war-vessels in Europe, it must have been at a later period, and when the opportunity to get such vessels, from England and elsewhere, had already been allowed to slip by. For he certainly cannot deny that, in May, 1861, a fleet of ten East India steamers was offered the Confederate government, in Montgomery, through Mr. W. L. Trenholm, speaking in the name and by the authority of the house of John Frazer & Co. Admitting that, as he must, how is it possible that he could have rejected the Trenholm offer—as he unquestionably did—if at that time he had a naval officer in Europe, sent thither to effect the identical purchase he then declined? Was it that our government could not have accepted any such propo
nt itself was at that date transferred to Richmond. Even the President was there in person, and could have acted with all authority had he chosen to do so. The measures of extreme caution suggested in General Lee's instructions, and the solicitude manifested to soothe the ire of the North, would have been admirably proper if the orders had been issued before the first gun was fired at Sumter, and while negotiations for a peaceful solution of our difficulties were still pending. But in May, 1861, war already existed. Virginia was threatened by three Northern armies, the immediate advance of one of which was then almost daily expected. Why were we to avoid appearing even to threaten the enemy's positions, when the invasion of our soil was openly declared to be the prime object actuating the hostile forces arrayed against us? Orders and instructions such as these could have no other effect than to depress our people, bewilder our commanders, and embolden the enemy. The two or
ing Maryland was earnestly supported by the three senior generals. Mr. Davis, however, would not agree to it. He declared that he could draw no troops from the points named, and that there were no arms in the country for new levies, if raised. This last objection, it is proper here to say, was not an insuperable one. The President should have remembered that if the Confederacy was thus deficient in armament it was because he had refused to avail himself of the offer by which, as early as May, 1861, Proposal of John Frazer & Co., set forth in Chapter V. all the arms and equipments needed for our armies could have been procured. But why should not arms have been imported, even at that time (October, 1861), when no Federal blockading squadron could have interfered with any of our plans to that effect? It is an historical fact that the blockade, though officially proclaimed in May, was only partially effectual twelve months afterwards. Was it that the President thought it too late
t was best to stop the thing referred to therein, at once. Read it, also, to Colonels Chestnut and Preston. Yours truly, G. T. Beauregard. Col. W. Porcher, miles, Member of Congress, Richmond, Va. Saturday, Jan. 13th, 1872. Dear General,—Apologizing for not having communicated with you on the subject of your note of yesterday, I have to say that I presented several designs (colored, on pasteboard) which were prepared prior to my leaving New Orleans, with my command, in May, 1861. The battle-flag which was adopted, as I remember, was a square flag with the bar of blue running diagonally from the corners, making a Greek cross of blue, with stars white on a red field. I do not recollect if there was any discussion involving the question of the character of the cross. The flag was adopted as the best to be recognized in battle, to distinguish our troops in action. The time that has elapsed since we were at Fairfax, where these interesting occurrences took plac