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s several years elected clerk of the General Court, and in 1825 was appointed to the office of sheriff of Suffolk County. In this position he remained until his decease, which occurred on the twenty-fourth day of April, 1839. He was the last high sheriff who retained the antique dress derived from English usage. He was a gentleman of the old school,--tall, well-bred, and dignified in demeanor, fond of reading, and of considerable oratorical ability. He delivered an appropriate eulogy on Washington at Milton, Feb. 22, 1800; and a Fourth-of-July oration in Boston in 1808. He was highly esteemed for the integrity and independence of his character. Mr. Sumner married Miss Relief, daughter of David He was the son of David and Hannah (Richmond) Jacobs of Hanover. He served as one of the committee of safety during the Revolution; and died in 1808, aged 79 years. He was the son of Joshua Jacobs of Scituate, who married Mary James in 1726. His father was David Jacobs, who settled in S
well he loved his native city, may be inferred from these remarks he subsequently made concerning it:-- Boston has always led the generous and magnanimous actions of our history. Boston led the cause of the Revolution. Here was commenced that discussion, pregnant with the independence of the colonies, which, at first occupying a few warm but true spirits only, finally absorbed all the best energies of the continent,--the eloquence of Adams, the patriotism of Jefferson, the wisdom of Washington. Boston is the home of noble charities, the nurse of true learning, the city of churches. By all these tokens she stands conspicuous; and other parts of the country are not unwilling to follow er example. Athens was called the eye of Greece: Boston may be called the eye of America; and the influence which she exerts is to be referred, not to her size, for there are other cities larger far, but to her moral and intellectual character. On reaching home, he found a widowed mother — who
es and discouragements lie in my way, I dare not shrink from it; and I rely on that Being who has not left us the choice of duties, that, whilst I shall conscientiously discharge mine, I shall not finally lose my reward. These are the words of Washington, uttered in the early darkness of the American Revolution. The rule of duty is the same for the lowly and the great; and I hope it may not seem presumptuous in one so humble as myself to adopt his determination, and to avow his confidence. stitution nowhere recognizes property in man; and that, according to its true interpretation, freedom and not slavery is national, while slavery and not freedom is sectional; that in this spirit the national government was first organized under Washington, himself an abolitionist, surrounded by abolitionists, while the whole country, by its church, its colleges, its literature, and all its best voices, was united against slavery, and the national flag at that time nowhere within the national ter
ed money has been enjoyed — did not make it less a swindle. Urged as a bill of peace, it was a swindle of the whole country. Urged as opening the doors to slave-masters with their slaves, it was a swindle of the asserted doctrine of popular sovereignty. Urged as sanctioning popular sovereignty, it was a swindle of the asserted rights of slave-masters. It was a swindle of a broad Territory, thus cheated of protection against slavery. It was a swindle of a great cause, early espoused by Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson, surrounded by the best fathers of the republic. Sir, it was a swindle of God-given, inalienable rights. Turn it over, look at it on all sides,--and it is everywhere a swindle; and, if the word I now employ has not the authority of classical usage, it has on this occasion the indubitable authority of fitness. No other word will adequately express the mingled meanness and wickedness of the cheat. Of the State of Massachusetts he thus grandly speaks:-- God
the Committee on Foreign Affairs by Simon Cameron. He had long fulfilled the duties attendant on this position with distinguished ability; and no man in this country was better acquainted with foreign affairs, or held in higher consideration by foreign courts. But he and the president were at variance. On the 27th of March, 1871, he again spoke on the San-Domingo treaty. On evidence before the Senate, said he, it is plain that the navy of the United States, acting under orders from Washington, has been engaged in measures of violence, and of belligerent intervention, being war without the authority of Congress. An act of war without the authority of Congress is no common event. This is the simplest statement of the case. The whole business is aggravated when it is considered that the declared object of this violence is the acquisition of foreign territory, being half an island in the Caribbean Sea; and, still further, that this violence has been employed, first, to prop and
he held that honesty is the best policy: he proclaimed this doctrine, and he practised it. Amidst the strategic arts for power, the venality, the duplicity, the gloat and greed for greenbacks, which characterize political life at Washington, he bore a clean, unsullied palm. No Credit-Mobilier scheme, no annexation plot, no back-pay subterfuge, could tempt him from his stronghold. Is it right? not Will it pay? was with him the first, the central, and the last question. People speak of Washington, he once naively said, as being corrupt. I have lived there many years; and I have seen no corruption. His condemnation and exposure of the corruption, and the connivance at corruption, of the government, demand the gratitude of the people; and his great name will ever plead, as the names of Lincoln and of Washington, for integrity in the head of the nation. No man was ever more consistent in his political career. While so many others trimmed the sail, and veered with every shifting