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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 11. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

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acceptable to Mr. Davis. If they at all harmonize with Mr. Lincoln's views, we will report them to him, and so open the door for official negotiations. Are you acquainted with Mr. Lincoln's views? One of us is, fully. Did Mr. Lincoln, in aMr. Lincoln, in any way, authorize you to come here? No, sir. We came with his pass, but not by his request. We say, distinctly, we have n Union at every sacrifice. The majority are in favor of Mr. Lincoln, and nearly all of those opposed to him are opposed to hion Bill-and the people are more radical than the House. Mr. Lincoln, I know, is about to call out five hundred thousand moreNo Confiscation, and Universal Amnesty — the terms which Mr. Lincoln authorized you to offer us? No, sir, Mr. Lincoln didMr. Lincoln did not authorize me to offer you any terms. But I think both he and the Northern people, for the sake of peace, would assent t As we were leaving the room, he added: Say to Mr. Lincoln from me, that I shall at any time be pleased to receive
rovision is made for their payment, it will be necessary, should you approve my action, to make an appropriation for that purpose. Feeling it to be the duty of the General Government to afford full protection to the people of Pennsylvania and Maryland by the defence of the line of the Potomac, I united with Governor Bradford in the following letter to the President, dated July twenty-first, 1864: State of Maryland, Executive Department, Annapolis, July 21, 1864. His Excellency, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States: sir: The repeated raids across the Potomac River made by portions of the rebel army, and the extent of the damage they have succeeded so frequently in inflicting, have most injuriously affected the people of Maryland and Pennsylvania, in the neighborhood of that river, and many of them, it is believed, as the only security against such losses in the future, are seriously considering the propriety of abandoning their present homes, and seeking safety a
inst each other than before; that they knew Mr. Lincoln's views, and would state them if pressed bysisted on some evidence that they came from Mr. Lincoln; and in order to satisfy me, Mr. Gilmore rehen showed me a card, written and signed by Mr. Lincoln, requesting General Grant to aid Mr. Gilmorleft on my mind the decided impression that Mr. Lincoln was averse to sending formal commissioners wn Government as to make such propositions, Mr. Lincoln ought to have known, when giving them his vat no offence was taken, and that he wished Mr. Lincoln's language to be repeated to him as exactlyy, of New York, acting with authority of President Lincoln. It is deemed not improper to inform yod Jaques, that they came as messengers from Mr. Lincoln, is to be found in the fact that the views of Mr. Lincoln, as stated by them to the President, are in exact conformity with the offensive paped to Whom it may concern, which was sent by Mr. Lincoln to Messrs. Clay and Holcombe by the hands o[12 more...]
ves the destruction of your improvements we cannot help it. You have heretofore read public sentiment in your newspapers, that live by falsehood and excitement, and the quicker you seek for truth in other quarters, the better for you. I repeat, then, that by the original compact of government, the United States had certain rights in Georgia, which have never been relinquished. and never will be; that the South began war by seizing forts, arsenals, mints, custom-houses, etc., long before Lincoln was installed, and before the South had one jot or little of provocation. I, myself, have seen in Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississippi, hundreds and thousands of women and children fleeing from your armies and desperadoes, hungry. and with bleeding feet. In Memphis, Vicksburg, and Mississippi, we fed thousands upon thousands of the families of rebel soldiers left on our hands, and whom we could not see starve. Now that war comes home to you, you feel very different — you deprec
lan of negotiation has been offered for consideration — a plan of negotiation by States. Well, it is not easy to see on what terms the States can negotiate. In the first place, they have no constitutional power to do so. In the second place, Mr. Lincoln has said that he will not negotiate with them unless they can control the army, and they can only obtain the power to control the army by traitorously attempting to enter into a treaty contrary to the Government they have instituted. But suppill acknowledge your crimes, lay down your arms, emancipate your slaves, and turn over your leader — as they call your humble servant — to be punished, then you will have permission to vote together with your negroes upon the terms under which Mr. Lincoln will be graciously pleased to allow you to live as a part of the nation over which he presides. If there be a man within the sound of my voice who contemplates such a proposition, I pity him from the bottom of my heart. My only wish is that <
elieve Captain Stearns of his command, to land with all possible despatch the two hundred men on board, and march direct to Millton. By eleven o'clock A. M., Captain Lincoln had landed the troops from the Lizzie Davis. I proceeded with the Planter to Pierce's mill, and landed the cavalry and battery, which I had been holding in reserve, and immediately moved toward Millton, soon coming upon Captain Lincoln, whom I found engaged with a force of the enemy's cavalry. It seems that Captain Lincoln, after landing, before he had hardly taken up the march, was met by a considerable force of cavalry, with which he became engaged. He drove the enemy to the mill aCaptain Lincoln, after landing, before he had hardly taken up the march, was met by a considerable force of cavalry, with which he became engaged. He drove the enemy to the mill and beyond it on the Millton road, where they made a stand under cover of some old buildings. On my arrival at this point the firing was quite rapid, and a brisk skirmish was going on, I immediately charged with the detachment of cavalry which I brought up, and drove the rebels from the old buildings. They fled in wild confusion o
ont and made signals. No attention was paid to him, however, and continued firing was kept up, and one man killed. Captain Wilson was compelled to advance to the bank of the river, where he hailed the fleet. A boat was sent to the shore, the officers and crew having their pistols in hand and fully cocked, evidently mistrusting us. As soon as it became known who we were, the sailors gave us three hearty cheers, and our column advanced to near the bank of the river, our bands playing The Lincoln gunboat's come. Major-General Sheridan at once sent out to communicate with Major-General Butler, apprising him of our arrival and the scanty state of our forage and rations. Our immediate wants were promptly supplied, and a despatch boat instantly provided to start for Fortress Monroe to communicate with — the War Department. Our men, for three days previous to our arrival at the James river, had literally lived off the country, as many poor families who have lost the whole of their s
situation in Virginia, the disaster at Red river, the delay at Charleston, and the general state of the country, I, Abraham Lincoln, do hereby recommend that Thursday, the twenty-sixth day of May, A. D. 1864, be solemnly set apart throughout these y occasion, and in view of the pending expiration of the service of (100,000) one hundred thousand of our troops, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power vested in me by the constitution and laws, have thought fit thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-eighth. (Signed), Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State The above was received at the New York Times publicatio Commerce, regarding the publication, in our morning issues, of the forged proclamation, purporting to be signed by President Lincoln, appointing a day of fasting and prayer, and calling into the military service four hundred thousand men. The do
children. This will give you, instead of half a million, a million and a half or two millions of free negroes in your midst. That is more than one half of the present slave population of the Confederate States. How long would slavery last under this strain? Is not your proposition Abolitionism in disguise? No, Messrs. Editors, we could not live in a country inhabited by such a class. Either they or we must be forced to leave. Which would it be, and where and how would they go? Abraham Lincoln emancipates all he can steal. You would take and emancipate one half at a word, or, at all events, you would take and emancipate that portion without whom the other portion would be valueless and a charge upon the country. No ; our cause is not so desperate, nor its condition so low, as to need the aid of an army of free negroes. There are stout arms and brave hearts enough among the white men of the Confederacy to win and secure its freedom, and he who would call upon the poor, igno
n Martinsburg. General Wright with the Sixth corps, and General Emory with the Nineteenth corps, were understood to be following the enemy, and moving in the direction of Leesburg. On the fifteenth, by telegram from Major-General Halleck, the troops of the West Virginia army were place under the command of Major-General Wright, then at Poolesville. By this order General Hunter, although still in command of the department, was left without troops. Under this impression he wrote to President Lincoln, asking, respectfully but peremptorily, to be relieved of command. The President replied, explaining that the order transferring the West Virginia troops to the command of Major-General Wright was only intended to be temporary in its effect, and to apply while those troops were necessarily serving outside the department commanded by General Hunter. He concluded by a very pressing and-flattering request that he should retain his position. This request was accepted by General Hunter a
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