British back from Concord bridge, and it was their sons who fought their way from the Rapidan to Richmond.
With the help of country lawyers they sent Sumner and Wilson to the Senate, and knew what they were about when they did this.
For wit, humor, and repartee,and, it may be added, for decent conversation, --there is no class acquainted with prominent men in public life, and depended too much on information derived at dinner-parties, or similar occasions.
During the war period Sumner, Wilson, and Andrew were almost omnipotent in Massachusetts, for the three worked together in a common cause; but power always engenders envy and so an inside opposition Lowell lent his assistance without being aware of its true character.
His articles in the North American on public affairs were severely criticised by Andrew and Wilson, while Frank W. Bird frankly called them giving aid and comfort to the enemy.
It was certainly a doubtful course to pursue at such a critical juncture-when all
he also became of great service to Sumner and Wilson, who wished to know what was taking place behic opinion, but this was of great importance to Wilson, who depended on politics for his daily bread.raphed the facts as briefly as possible to Senator Wilson, and in twenty-four hours received an ordeefore they were joined by Elizur Wright and Henry Wilson.
Sumner came to dine with them, when he wumner or Stearns on his left.
Doctor Howe and Wilson sat next to them, and were balanced on the oppf that time, but his personal friends, Sumner, Wilson, and Frank Bird himself.
In 1872 Emerson saHe was himself a charitable institution.
Henry Wilson is also worth a passing notice, for the strin his character.
There was no pretense in Henry Wilson's patriotism; everyone felt that he would h candidates in the field; but both Sumner and Wilson brought their influence to bear against him, ae Sumner joined them not long afterwards.
Senator Wilson and the more deep-rooted Republicans forme
gnizance of the outrage.
The following day, when Wilson made the most eloquent speech of his life in an indds.
They might as well have allowed him to go, for Wilson was a man of enormous strength and could easily havalize this it was only necessary to see him and Senator Wilson together.
Wilson was also a man of exceptionalWilson was also a man of exceptional ability, and yet a stranger, who did not know him by sight, might have conversed with him on a railway train reasonable proposition. But Sumner, Wade, Trumbull, Wilson, and King stood together like a rocky coast againstavery in the District of Columbia was introduced by Wilson.
Sumner did not like to be always proposing anti-slavery measures himself, and he wished Wilson to have the honor of it. Wilson would not, of course, have introWilson would not, of course, have introduced the measure without consulting his colleague.
Lincoln evidently desired to enjoy the sole honor of isith the assistance of his faithful allies, Wade and Wilson, he succeeded in preventing the bill from being bro
o had risked his life in the July Revolution at Paris; and who had taken the lead in an equally important philanthropic revolution in his own country.
Next to Sumner he is the most distinguished member of the club, even more so than Andrew and Wilson; a man with a most enviable record.
He does not talk much where many are gathered together, but if he hears an imprudent statement, especially an unjust estimate of character, his eyes flash out from beneath the bushy brows, and he makes a correbefore returning to his home at night.
There Dr. Howe and George L. Stearns consulted with John Brown concerning measures for the defence of Kansas; and there Howe, Stearns, and Bird concerted plans for the election of Andrew in 1860, and for the re-election of Sumner in 1862.
It was a quiet, retired spot in the midst of a bustling city, where a celebrated man could go without attracting public attention.
Chevalier Howe outlived Sumner just one year, and Wilson followed him not long after.
ng committee has a historical value which Hay and Nicolay, Wilson, and Von Holst would have done well to have taken into cone took advantage of to bring his name forward.
Sumner and Wilson threw their weight into the scales, and Andrew was easily ould be a general uprising in Maryland.
Both Sumner and Wilson opposed the appointment of General Butler to the command oeover, they would have found a very sturdy opponent in Senator Wilson.
It was Wilson who had made Sumner a Senator, and forWilson who had made Sumner a Senator, and for fifteen years they had fought side by side without the shadow of a misunderstanding between them.
Under such conditions mefeeling a strong affection for one another.
Besides this, Wilson would have been influenced by interested motives.
Sumner d been crowded out of the regular lines; and this afforded Wilson a fine opportunity of extending his influence.
If Andrew were chosen Senator in the way that was anticipated Wilson knew well enough that this patronage would have to be divided bet
med out of the leading elements of the Free-soil party.
At one time this club counted among its members two Senators, three Governors, and a number of Congressmen, and it was a power in the land.
Elizur Wright's services as editor of the Chronotype gave him an early entrance to it; and having life insurance on the brain, as it were, other members of the club soon became interested in the subject as a political question.
In this way Mr. Wright was soon able to effect legislation.
Sumner, Wilson, Andrew, and Bird gave him an almost unqualified support.
In 1858 he was appointed Insurance Commissioner for Massachusetts, a position which he held until 1866.
As Commissioner he formulated the principal legislation on life insurance; and his reports, which have been published in a volume, are the best treatise in English on the practical application of life-insurance principles.
In 1852 he resigned the editorship of the Chronotype, and from that time till 1858 he was occupied with li