hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 172 16 Browse Search
Maj. Jed. Hotchkiss, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 3, Virginia (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 152 0 Browse Search
An English Combatant, Lieutenant of Artillery of the Field Staff., Battlefields of the South from Bull Run to Fredericksburgh; with sketches of Confederate commanders, and gossip of the camps. 120 2 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 113 3 Browse Search
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure) 107 3 Browse Search
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 1. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.) 106 6 Browse Search
Robert Lewis Dabney, Life and Commands of Lieutenand- General Thomas J. Jackson 106 14 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 11. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 102 2 Browse Search
William Tecumseh Sherman, Memoirs of General William T. Sherman . 89 15 Browse Search
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 2. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.) 68 2 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights. You can also browse the collection for Fremont or search for Fremont in all documents.

Your search returned 19 results in 7 document sections:

John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 1: Theodore Roosevelt and the Abolitionists (search)
the South as a casus belli. The Republican party was established under that name in 1856 and Lincoln was elected in 1860. Now, the work preparatory to Lincoln's election was not done in four years. The most difficult part of it — the most arduous, the most disagreeable, the most dangerous-had been done long before. Part of it dated back to 1840. Indeed, the performance of the Republican party in those four years was not remarkably brilliant. With the slogan of Free soil, free men, and Fremont it made an ostentatious demonstration in 1856-an attempted coup de main--which failed. It would have failed quite as signally in 1860, but for the division of the Democratic party into the Douglas and Breckenridge factions. That division was pre-arranged by the slaveholders who disliked Douglas, the regular Democratic nominee, much more than they did Lincoln, and who hoped and plotted for Lincoln's election because it furnished them a pretext for rebellion. The change of name from Fre
sted under the Constitution and laws. About the same time Mr. Lincoln stated to a party of Southern Congressmen, who called upon him, that he recognized the rights of property that had grown out of it [slavery] and would respect those rights as fully as he would similar rights in any other property. No steps were taken by Mr. Lincoln to recall or repudiate the foregoing announcements. On the contrary, he confirmed them in his official action. He annulled the freedom proclamations of Fremont and Hunter. He did not interfere when some of his military officers were so busy returning fugitive slaves that they had no time to fight the masters. He approved Hallock's order Number Three excluding fugitives from the lines. He even permitted the poor old Hutchinsons to be sent away from the army very much as if they had been colored people, when trying to rouse the boys with their freedom songs. In many ways Mr. Lincoln showed that in the beginning and throughout the earlier part of
, and the most they were prepared to admit was that they were opposed to slavery's extension. These men largely dominated the new party. They generally dictated its platforms, which, compared with earlier Abolition utterances, were extremely timid, and they had much to do with making party nominations. Their favorite candidates were not those whose opinions on the slavery question were positive and well understood, but those whose views were unsettled if not altogether unknown. When General Fremont was nominated for the Presidency, not one in ten of those supporting him knew what his opinions on that subject were, and a good many of them did not care. Mr. Lincoln was accepted in much the same way. It is true that, from certain expressions about the danger to our national house from being half free and half slave, and other generalizations of a more or less academic sort, it was known that Mr. Lincoln was antagonistic to slavery; but as to whether he favored that institution's
emancipationists, but had turned against them. For his face — about there were, at least, two intelligible reasons. One was that in the quarrel between him and Fremont the most of his former followers had sided with Fremont. That was enough to sour him against them. The other was a very natural desire to be solid with the admiFremont. That was enough to sour him against them. The other was a very natural desire to be solid with the administration at Washington, which, as elsewhere shown, was not then actively Anti-Slavery. It did not want the question of slavery agitated, especially in the border slave States. The Blairs were a clan as well as a family. The quarrel of one was the quarrel of all, and the Missouri Radicals had no more effective antagonist thanith the Radicals in their fight with Lincoln. Although the Missouri Radicals did not favor Mr. Lincoln's candidature, with the exception of a few supporters of Fremont, they gave him their loyal support at the polls, and through this a large majority in the State. They acted towards him much more cordially than he ever acted to
uri Germans, who mostly approved the candidature of Fremont, and some of whom refused to vote for Lincoln, havethat meant the end of slaveholding. They supported Fremont largely because of his freedom proclamation. Andfore closing his work, wants to say something about Fremont. He believes no man in this country was made the v has always been the opinion of the writer that, if Fremont had been permitted to take his own way in his Westeh were considerably misrepresented and exaggerated, Fremont's enemies took advantage, and succeeded in effectinot long afterwards, with no more than even chances, Fremont defeated Stonewall Jackson in Virginia-at Cross Keyshould not do it again. It was the misfortune of Fremont that his independence caused him to clash with self time want slavery interfered with. The story of Fremont's fall is best told by Whittier in four lines: Thy error, Fremont, simply was to act A brave man's part without the statesman's tact, And, taking counsel but
e there was nothing in the article that disclosed its authorship, and Mr. Blair had taken the trouble to inquire about it. Blair turned against the Missouri Abolitionists when a decided majority of them turned against him in his quarrel with Fremont. They indorsed Fremont's emancipation proclamation, which the President, at Blair's instigation, it was charged at the time, revoked. Blair was a man not only of strong ambition but of arbitrary temperament. He could not tolerate the idea oFremont's emancipation proclamation, which the President, at Blair's instigation, it was charged at the time, revoked. Blair was a man not only of strong ambition but of arbitrary temperament. He could not tolerate the idea of a newcomer pre-empting what he had considered his premises. If he could not rule he was ready to ruin. That disposition accorded with both his mental and physical make-up. Bodily he was a bundle of bones and nerves without a particle of surplus flesh. His hair was red, his complexion was sandy, and his eyes, when he was excited and angry, had a baleful expression that led some one in my presence on a certain occasion to speak of them as brush-heaps afire. He was not an eloquent man, al
as. G., 2, 5, 42, 56-58, 205. Black laws 35;in Ohio, 35. Black Republic of Texas, 135. Blair, Gen. Frank P., 158, 186-191; and Missouri emancipationists, i 6; and Missouri Abolitionists, 188; appearance of, 189; fearlessness, 189; quarrel with Fremont, 189; and capture of Camp Jackson, 189-1911; threats against, 190. Blair, Montgomery, 158, 161. Bonner, Hon. Benjamin R., 155. Border-ruffianism, 153. Border Slave-State message, text of, 213-214. Boyle, James, 205. Bradley, John, 135. Brral Price, 195. F Field, David Dudley, 179. Fish, W. H., 205. Fletcher, Thomas C., 155. Fort Donelson, capture of, 184, 192. Fort Henry, capture of, 184. Foss, A. T., 205. Foster, Daniel, 205. Foster, Stephen, 39. Free-soil party, 65. Fremont, General, 151; and western command, 184-185; financial bad management, 184; defeats Stonewall Jackson, I 84; removal, 185; freedom proclamation, 185. Frost, John, 203. Frothingham, 0. B., 204. Fugitive Slave Law, 5, 121. Fuller, John E., 201