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Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 66 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 48 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 42 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 36 0 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 30 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 28 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 20 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies 16 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, The new world and the new book 16 0 Browse Search
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana 16 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for Bayard Taylor or search for Bayard Taylor in all documents.

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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
d captured Santa Fe. It is by virtue of this Act, that General Taylor has perpetrated the massacre at Monterey. It is by vis, is founded on the alleged duty of voting succors to General Taylor's troops, and the impossibility of doing this, withoutntinuance of the Mexican war. We demand the retreat of General Taylor, and the instant withdrawal of the American forces. Ated at Baltimore, pledged against the Wilmot Proviso. General Taylor, at Philadelphia,—without any pledge on this all-imporall of a subordinate character. The administration of Gen. Taylor having now commenced, its Pro-slavery character was seveit our duty to oppose the election of General Cass and General Taylor—both of them being brought forward under the influenceors, was supposed to be friendly to that institution. General Taylor was elected by the people. And now, while it becomes ing little paragraph: A Whig, who refused to support Gen. Taylor because he was not Whig enough; an agitator, who would s
of this Act, that a distant expedition has seized, with pilfering rapacity, the defenceless province of California. It is by virtue of this Act, that General Kearney has marched upon and captured Santa Fe. It is by virtue of this Act, that General Taylor has perpetrated the massacre at Monterey. It is by virtue of this Act, that desolation has been carried into a thousand homes,—that mothers, sisters, daughters and wives have been plunged in the comfortless despair of bloody bereavement, whihey were waging an unjust war, would not tell to posterity such a tale of ignominy as this lying Act of Congress. Another apology, suggested by yourself, and vouchsafed by your defenders, is founded on the alleged duty of voting succors to General Taylor's troops, and the impossibility of doing this, without voting also for the Bill, after it had been converted into a Declaration of Falsehood and of War. It is said that patriotism required this vote. Patriotism! is not thy name profaned by t
andard, we shall find, that, as Dr. Howe is unquestionably right, so Mr. Winthrop is too certainly wrong. In thus exalting our own candidate, I would not unduly disparage another. It is for the sake of the cause in which we are engaged,—by the side of which all individuals dwindle into insignificance,—that we now oppose Mr. Winthrop. We desire to bear our testimony earnestly, heartily, sincerely, against Slavery, and the longer continuance of the Mexican war. We demand the retreat of General Taylor, and the instant withdrawal of the American forces. And even if we seem to fail, in this election, we shall not fail in reality. The influence of this effort will be felt. It will help to awaken and organize that powerful public opinion by which this war will at last be arrested. Hang out, then, fellow-citizens, the white banner of Peace. Unfurl all its ample folds, streaming with Christian trophies. Let the citizens of Boston rally about it; and let it be borne by an enlightened
ties, had most succumbed to this malign influence. The late Conventions at Baltimore and Philadelphia were controlled by it. At Baltimore, the delegation of the most important State of the Union—known to be opposed to the Wilmot Proviso—was refused admission to the Convention. At Philadelphia, the Wilmot Proviso itself was stifled, according to the report of an Ohio delegate, amidst the cries of Kick it out! General Cass was nominated at Baltimore, pledged against the Wilmot Proviso. General Taylor, at Philadelphia,—without any pledge on this all-important question,—was forced upon the Convention by the Slave Power; nor were any principles of any kind put forth by this body of professing whigs. These two candidates, apparently representing opposite parties, both concur in being the representatives of Slavery. They are the leaders of the two contending factions of the Slave Power. I say factions; for, what are factions but combinations of men whose sole cement is a selfish desir
the improvement of rivers and harbors, and a general Homestead Law for actual settlers. But these were all of a subordinate character. The administration of Gen. Taylor having now commenced, its Pro-slavery character was severely exposed, in the following passage: In support of these principles, we felt it our duty to oppose the election of General Cass and General Taylor—both of them being brought forward under the influence of the Slave Power; the first, as openly pledged against the Wilmot Proviso, and the second, as a large slaveholder and recent purchaser of slaves, who was not known, by any acts or declared opinions, to be hostile in any way tt its extension, and who, from his position, and from the declarations of many of his friends and neighbors, was supposed to be friendly to that institution. General Taylor was elected by the people. And now, while it becomes all to regard his administration with candor, we cannot forget our duty to the cause which has brought u
his influence on that side. Not that he wished Mr. Sumner elected particularly, but because he could get Mr. Sumner's friends to vote for him for Governor next Fall. We believe that the patronage of the State has been brought to bear upon this election; that promises have been made which we shall watch closely to see if they are redeemed hereafter. The Post summed up the whole question in its characteristic way, with a bristling little paragraph: A Whig, who refused to support Gen. Taylor because he was not Whig enough; an agitator, who would sacrifice the safety of the Union by aggravating sectional animosity; an Abolitionist, who would treat the laws of the constitutional Legislature of his country as the colonists did the oppressive edicts of a tyrannical power! This is the political beauty the Coalition Democrats have voted for as a member of the United States Senate. The Commonwealth was the only paper in Boston who then saw in Mr. Sumner the great statesman of t
which the coolest blood of patriotism boils. Though, for various reasons unnecessary to develop, the busy settlers allowed the election to pass uncontested, still the means employed were none the less illegal and reprehensible. Lxxi. This infliction was a significant prelude to the grand invasion of the 30th of March, 1855, at the election of the first Territorial Legislature under the organic law, when an armed multitude from Missouri entered the Territory in larger numbers than General Taylor commanded at Buena Vista, or than General Jackson had within his lines at New Orleans,—much larger than our fathers rallied on Bunker Hill. On they came as an army with banners, organized in companies, with officers, munitions, tents, and provisions, as though marching upon a foreign foe, and breathing loud-mouthed threats that they would carry their purpose, if need were, by the bowie-knife and revolver. Among them, according to his own confession, was David R. Atchison, belted with
Lxxi. This infliction was a significant prelude to the grand invasion of the 30th of March, 1855, at the election of the first Territorial Legislature under the organic law, when an armed multitude from Missouri entered the Territory in larger numbers than General Taylor commanded at Buena Vista, or than General Jackson had within his lines at New Orleans,—much larger than our fathers rallied on Bunker Hill. On they came as an army with banners, organized in companies, with officers, munitions, tents, and provisions, as though marching upon a foreign foe, and breathing loud-mouthed threats that they would carry their purpose, if need were, by the bowie-knife and revolver. Among them, according to his own confession, was David R. Atchison, belted with the vulgar arms of his vulgar comrades. Arrived at their several destinations on the night before the election, the invaders pitched their tents, placed their sentries, and waited for the coming day. The same trustworthy eye-witn
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
all speaking different tongues, and representing all the religious superstitions of the East; but now all blended in a homogeneous social and political system, which has not only eclipsed, in the culture of its upper classes, the refinement of European courts, and matched them in the arts of war and peace, but has boldly struck the shackles of slavery from the limbs of as many million men as now make up the population of all our old Free States. I cannot resist the desire here to link Bayard Taylor's grandest poem with this portion of our historic chain. A thousand years. A thousand years, through storm and fire, With varying fate, the work has grown, Till Alexander crowns the spire Where Rurik laid the corner-stone. The chieftain's sword that could not rust, But bright in constant battle grew, Raised to the world a throne august,— A nation grander than he knew. Nor he alone; but those who have, Through faith or deed, an equal part,— The subtle brain of Yaroslav, Vladimir
all speaking different tongues, and representing all the religious superstitions of the East; but now all blended in a homogeneous social and political system, which has not only eclipsed, in the culture of its upper classes, the refinement of European courts, and matched them in the arts of war and peace, but has boldly struck the shackles of slavery from the limbs of as many million men as now make up the population of all our old Free States. I cannot resist the desire here to link Bayard Taylor's grandest poem with this portion of our historic chain. A thousand years. A thousand years, through storm and fire, With varying fate, the work has grown, Till Alexander crowns the spire Where Rurik laid the corner-stone. The chieftain's sword that could not rust, But bright in constant battle grew, Raised to the world a throne august,— A nation grander than he knew. Nor he alone; but those who have, Through faith or deed, an equal part,— The subtle brain of Yaroslav, Vladimir
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