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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

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the beginning. I was equally against every measure from the instant the first tax was proposed, to this minute. When, therefore, it is insisted, that we are only to defend and enforce our own right, I positively deny it. I contend bat America has been driven by cruel necessity to defend her right, from the united attacks of violence, oppression, and injustice. I contend that America has been indisputably aggrieved. * * * I must still think, and shall uniformly continue to assert, that Great Britain has been the aggressor; that most, if not all, the acts were founded on oppression, and that if I was in America, I should resist to the last such manifest exertion of tyranny, violence, and injustice. In another debate in the Commons, Dec. 8th, 1785, Mr. Fox said: I have always said that the war carrying on against America is unjust. In the Commons, March 11th, 1776, Col. Barre, Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, all vied in eulogies upon General Montgomery, the account of whose death b
is king, but caused the supreme power to be secured in hereditary succession to his eldest son. It was left to John Milton, in poetic vision, to be entranced— With fair Equality, fraternal state. Sidney, who perished a martyr to liberal sentiments, drew his inspiration from the classic, and not from the Christian fountains. The examples of Greece and Rome fed his soul. The Revolution of 1688, partly by force, and partly by the popular voice, brought a foreigner to the crown of Great Britain, and according to the boast of loyal Englishmen, the establishment of Freedom throughout the land. But the Bill of Rights did not declare, nor did the genius of Somers or Maynard conceive the political axiom, that all men are born equal. It may find acceptance in our day from individuals in England; but it is disowned by English institutions. It is to France that we must pass for the earliest development of this idea, for its amplest illustration, and for its most complete, accurate
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
een driven by cruel necessity to defend her right, from the united attacks of violence, oppression, and injustice. I contend that America has been indisputably aggrieved. * * * I must still think, and shall uniformly continue to assert, that Great Britain has been the aggressor; that most, if not all, the acts were founded on oppression, and that if I was in America, I should resist to the last such manifest exertion of tyranny, violence, and injustice. In another debate in the Commons, Dements, drew his inspiration from the classic, and not from the Christian fountains. The examples of Greece and Rome fed his soul. The Revolution of 1688, partly by force, and partly by the popular voice, brought a foreigner to the crown of Great Britain, and according to the boast of loyal Englishmen, the establishment of Freedom throughout the land. But the Bill of Rights did not declare, nor did the genius of Somers or Maynard conceive the political axiom, that all men are born equal. It
hole civilized world, beyond the limits of the United States, did Mr. Brooks find an apologist. No act in the barbarous record of Slavery, nor all of them put together, had done so much to alienate mankind from it and its brazen champions. And when at last the Southern States seceded, and the Confederacy turned its eyes abroad for recognition and sympathy, it met with disdain and contempt from every nation and every class in the Old World, except the Cotton Kings and the Aristocracy of Great Britain. The ruling classes of England, to some extent, did sympathize with the Southern Rebellion, as they had from the hour of the Declaration of Independence greeted with friendly recognition every harbinger of evil to the rising Republic of the West. These classes had built the Alabama and her sister corsairs—they had equipped the fleet that sailed out of British ports to sweep American commerce from the ocean; and these pirates had swarmed over all the seas on their fiendish mission. But
hole civilized world, beyond the limits of the United States, did Mr. Brooks find an apologist. No act in the barbarous record of Slavery, nor all of them put together, had done so much to alienate mankind from it and its brazen champions. And when at last the Southern States seceded, and the Confederacy turned its eyes abroad for recognition and sympathy, it met with disdain and contempt from every nation and every class in the Old World, except the Cotton Kings and the Aristocracy of Great Britain. The ruling classes of England, to some extent, did sympathize with the Southern Rebellion, as they had from the hour of the Declaration of Independence greeted with friendly recognition every harbinger of evil to the rising Republic of the West. These classes had built the Alabama and her sister corsairs—they had equipped the fleet that sailed out of British ports to sweep American commerce from the ocean; and these pirates had swarmed over all the seas on their fiendish mission. But
el Commissioners, who had been confined in Fort Warren, in Boston harbor; and that portion of the precious freight of which the steamer Trent had been relieved, was handed over to the British Government, much to the regret of the war party of Great Britain. Before this had taken place, however, Mr. Sumner, who had received letters from distinguished friends of America in England, read them, to the President, and his Cabinet. One from Richard Cobden, January 23, 1862, said:—It is perhaps weinion of the world on that subject forever. His mild rebuke of Mr. Hale's patriotic, but indiscreet motion and speech, had induced that Senator to withdraw the Resolution, for he had treated the whole matter on a hypothesis, by assuming that Great Britain had made an arrogant demand, when he knew nothing of the sort. Who in the Senate, inquired Mr. Sumner, knows it? Who in the country knows it? I don't believe it—will not believe it, except on evidence. I submit, therefore, that the Senato
Xxvii. We must glance, although it be only for a moment, at the condition of Mexico in the beginning of the year 1862. The Emperor of France, who had for some time been indulging in the visionary dream of establishing an Empire in Mexico, had, through the subtle diplomacy of his agents, induced Great Britain and Spain to unite with France, in obtaining redress and security from Mexico, for the subjects of the three Great Powers, with indemnity for claims due from that Republic. A Convention to that effect was made in London, October 31, 1861, and a month later, a note was addressed to the United States inviting us to join in that demand. Of course, the invitation was declined. Mr. Corwin had been sent, minister to Mexico, with instructions to report to his government the actual condition of affairs in that country, and to prevent the Southern Confederacy from obtaining any recognition there, thus cutting off all hope of augmenting the power of the South by acquisition, accomp
Xxxii. In the early part of 1862, after a conference between Mr. Seward and Senator Sumner, negotiations were opened, and finally a Treaty concluded with Great Britain, for a mutual and restricted right of search, and mixed courts, with a view to the suppression of the Slave-trade. It was signed by Mr. Seward and Lord Lyons on the 7th of April. On the 24th of that month Mr. Sumner introduced a Resolution of ratification, accompanied by so convincing a speech, that the ayes and noes were dispensed with, and the resolution agreed to, without a dissenting vote. He had opened his speech by alluding to the fact that Nathaniel Gordon,—a Slave-trader, commanding the Slave-ship Erie,—had been executed in New York on the 21st of the preceding February, being the first in our history to suffer for this immeasurable crime. English lawyers, he continued, dwell much upon treason to the King, which they denounce in a term borrowed from the ancient Romans——lese-majesty; but the Slavetrade
t part of this State, and this State is obliged to raise a very considerable number of troops for its own immediate defence, whereby it is in a manner rendered impossible for this State to furnish recruits for the said two battalions without adopting the said measure so recommended; It is Voted and Resolved, That every able-bodied negro, mulatto, or Indian man-slave in this State may enlist into either of the said two battalions, to serve during the continuance of the present war with Great Britain; that every slave so enlisting shall be entitled to and receive all the bounties, wages, and encouragements allowed by the Continental Congress to any soldier enlisting in their service. It is further Voted and Resolved, That every slave so enlisting shall, upon his passing muster before Colonel Christopher Green, be immediately discharged from the service of his master or mistress, and be absolutely Free, as though he had never been encumbered with any kind of servitude or slavery.
our country, although calling for your exertions, does not wish you to engage in her cause without amply remunerating you for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be led away by false representations. Your love of honor would cause you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive you. In the sincerity of a soldier, and the language of truth, I address you. To every noble-hearted, generous freeman of color, volunteering to serve during the present contest with Great Britain, and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty in money and lands now received by the white soldiers of the United States,—viz.: one hundred and twenty-four dollars in money, and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The non-commissioned officers and privates will also be entitled to the same monthly pay and daily rations, and clothes, furnished to any American soldier. On enrolling yourselves in companies, the major-general commanding will select officers for your government from
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