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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,057 5 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 114 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 106 2 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 72 0 Browse Search
John Esten Cooke, Wearing of the Gray: Being Personal Portraits, Scenes, and Adventures of War. 70 0 Browse Search
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee 67 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 60 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 58 0 Browse Search
George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army (ed. George Gordon Meade) 56 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 54 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for George Washington or search for George Washington in all documents.

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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
n of slavery was often expressed with philanthropic warmth and emphasis. Let Washington speak for them. It is among my first wishes, he said, in a letter to John F again, by providing for the emancipation of all his slaves. It is thus that Washington speaks, not only by words, but by actions louder than words, Give freedom to We alone are active. Stop the war. Withdraw our forces. In the words of Colonel Washington, retreat! Retreat! By so doing, we shall cease from further wrong; and pw, those rights which the Declaration had promulgated, and which the sword of Washington had secured —We hold these truths to be self-evident—that all men are createdhe fathers were all in harmony with these instruments. I can only say, said Washington, that there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than I do to see a civil heroes, whose firmness in council was equalled only by the firmness of Washington in war. Let us listen again to the eloquence of the elder Adams, animating hi
to the very verge of the power vested in them for discouraging every species of traffic in our fellow-men. Let Jefferson speak for them. His desire for the abolition of slavery was often expressed with philanthropic warmth and emphasis. Let Washington speak for them. It is among my first wishes, he said, in a letter to John Fenton Mercer, to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by law. And in his will, penned with his own hand, in the last year of his life, he bore his testimony again, by providing for the emancipation of all his slaves. It is thus that Washington speaks, not only by words, but by actions louder than words, Give freedom to your slaves. The Father of his country requires, as a token of the filial piety which all profess, that his example should be followed. I am not insensible to the many glories of his character; but I cannot contemplate this act, without a fresh gush of admiration and gratitude. The martial scene depicted
Mexico which will not be more honorable than this war. Every fresh victory is a fresh dishonor. Unquestionably, you have strangely said, We must not forget that Mexico must be willing to negotiate! No! No! Mr. Winthrop. We are not to wait for Mexico. Her consent is not needed; nor is it to be asked, by a Christian statesman, while our armies are defiling her soil by their aggressive footsteps. She is passive. We alone are active. Stop the war. Withdraw our forces. In the words of Colonel Washington, retreat! Retreat! By so doing, we shall cease from further wrong; and peace will ensue. Let me ask you, Sir, to remember in your public course the rules of Right, which you obey in your private capacity. The principles of morals are the same for nations and for individuals. Pardon me, if I suggest that you do not appear to have acted invariably in accordance with this truth. You would not, in your private capacity, set your name to a falsehood; but you have done so, as a Repres
on of Independence. It was established to perpetuate, in the form of an organic law, those rights which the Declaration had promulgated, and which the sword of Washington had secured —We hold these truths to be self-evident—that all men are created equal, that they are endowed with certain inalienable rights,—that among these are of slavery, but to secure the blessings of liberty. And the declared opinions of the fathers were all in harmony with these instruments. I can only say, said Washington, that there is not a man living, who wishes more sincerely than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery; but there is only one proper and effectf their courage and union. Let us summon to our sides the majestic forms of those civil heroes, whose firmness in council was equalled only by the firmness of Washington in war. Let us listen again to the eloquence of the elder Adams, animating his associates in Congress to independence; let us hang anew upon the sententious wis<
which I prize so much. At this moment, when Washington took his first oath to support the Constitutrganization of the National Government under Washington, Slavery had no national favor, existed nowhrinciples, and Slavery will again be as when Washington took his first oath as President. The Uniononsulting these sentiments was recognized by Washington. While President of the United States, at tly expressing the desire of her mistress, Mrs. Washington, for her return, employs the following deo, which is of infinite more importance. George Washington. Mr. Whipple, in his reply, dated at Porational Government was first organized under Washington, himself an Abolitionist, surrounded by Abolational Government was first organized under Washington. And here there is a fact of peculiar signi which it enjoyed when first organized under Washington, himself an Abolitionist, and surrounded by swindle of a great cause, early espoused by Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson, surrounded by the [4 more...]
gain Slavery is sectional, while Freedom is national. Sir, such, briefly, are the rules of interpretation which, as applied to the Constitution, fill it with the breath of Freedom, Driving far off each thing of sin and guilt. To the history and prevailing sentiments of the times we may turn for further assurance. In the spirit of Freedom the Constitution was formed. In this spirit our Fathers always spoke and acted. In this spirit the National Government was first organized under Washington. And here I recall a scene, in itself a touchstone of the period, and an example for us, upon which we may look with pure national pride, while we learn anew the relations of the National Government to Slavery. The Revolution had been accomplished. The feeble Government of the Confederation had passed away. The Constitution, slowly matured in a National Convention, discussed before the people, defended by masterly pens, had been already adopted. The thirteen States stood forth a na
Colonies for the sake of Freedom. By him, at that time, they had been named the Union Flag. Trial, struggle, and war were now ended, and the Union, which they first heralded, was unalterably established. To every beholder, these memories must have been full of pride and consolation. But looking back upon the scene, there is one circumstance which, more than all its other associations, fills the soul; more even than the suggestions of Union, which I prize so much. At this moment, when Washington took his first oath to support the Constitution of the United States, the National ensign, nowhere within the National Territory, covered A single Slave. Then, indeed, was Slavery sectional, and Freedom national. On the sea, an execrable piracy, the trade in slaves, was still, to the national scandal, tolerated under the national flag. In the States, as a sectional institution, beneath the shelter of local laws, Slavery unhappily found a home. But in the only territories at this time
had only recently united in a solemn petition for those who, though free by the laws of God, are held in Slavery by the laws of the State. There, too, was a noble spirit, the ornament of his country, the exemplar of truth and virtue, who, like the sun, ever held an unerring course, John Jay. Filling the important post of Minister of Foreign Affairs under the Confederation, he found time to organize the Abolition Society of New York, and to act as its President, until, by the nomination of Washington, he became Chief Justice of the United States. In his sight, Slavery was an iniquity, a sin of crimson dye, against which ministers of the gospel should testify, and which the Government should seek in every way to abolish. Were I in the Legislature, he wrote, I would present a bill for this purpose with great care, and I would never cease moving it till it became a law, or I ceased to be a member. Till America comes into this measure, her prayers to heaven will be impious. But they
sanction Slavery; that, according to the Declaration of Independence and the Address of the Continental Congress, the Nation was dedicated to liberty and the rights of human nature; that, according to the principles of the common law, the Constitution must be interpreted openly, actively, and perpetually, for Freedom; that, according to the decision of the Supreme Court, it acts upon slaves, not as property , but as persons; that, at the first organization of the National Government under Washington, Slavery had no national favor, existed nowhere on the national territory, beneath the national flag, but was openly condemned by the Nation, the Church, the Colleges and Literature of the time; and, finally, that according to an Amendment of the Constitution, the National Government can only exercise powers delegated to it, among which there is none to support Slavery; considering these things, sir, it is impossible to avoid the single conclusion that Slavery is in no respect a national i
, the authors of the amendment revealed their purpose, that no person, under the National Government, of whatever character, shall be deprived of liberty without due process of law; that is, without due presentment, indictment, or other judicial proceedings. Here by this Amendment is an express guarantee of Personal Liberty, and an express prohibition against its invasion anywhere, at least within the national jurisdiction. Sir, apply these principles, and Slavery will again be as when Washington took his first oath as President. The Union Flag of the Republic will become once more the flag of Freedom, and at all points within the national jurisdiction will refuse to cover a slave. Beneath its beneficent folds, wherever it is carried, on land or sea, Slavery will disappear, like darkness under the arrows of the ascending sun—like the Spirit of Evil before the Angel of the Lord. In all national territories Slavery will be impossible. On the high seas, under the national flag
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