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Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2 1,039 11 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 833 7 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 656 14 Browse Search
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure) 580 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 459 3 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 435 13 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 355 1 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 352 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 333 7 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 330 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1. You can also browse the collection for Jefferson Davis or search for Jefferson Davis in all documents.

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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 13 (search)
died England's idol,--the unquestioned head of the statesmen of the age; Webster the disgraced and bankrupt chief of a broken and ruined party. Why? Examine the difference. Webster borrowed free trade of Calhoun, and tariff of Clay; took his constitutional principles from Marshall, his constitutional learning from Story, and his doctrine of treason from Mr. George Ticknor Curtis [laughter]; and he followed Channing and Garrison a little way, then turned doughface in the wake of Douglas and Davis [applause and a few hisses]; at first, with Algernon Sidney (my blood boils yet as I think how I used to declaim it), he declared the best legacy he could leave his children was free speech and the example of using it; then of Preston S. Brooks and Legree he took lessons in smothering discussion and hunting slaves. In 1820, when the world was asleep, he rebuked the slave-trade; in 1850, when the battle was hottest, he let Everett omit from his works all the best antislavery utterances! S
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
doubled, to save the possibility of his touching the shoulder of Ann Street. [Laughter and applause.] What is his first act when seated,--he, the representative of the fag-ends of half a dozen parties,--the broken meat of the political charity-basket? He speak the voice of Boston, the home of Sam Adams, in this glorious hourly What will it be? When Sherman is named for Speaker, he says No, while the heart of Boston says Yes. And what is his second and last act? To gather round his table Davis and Mason,--men who gloried in the blow which exiled Sumner from the Senate for four years, and made Christendom tremble for his life,--men who come for his wine, and not for his wit,--and Boston, in his person, sinks to be their associate,--no, their lackey. I affirm, he does not represent Boston. [Cheers.] Look at its Lincoln vote! I appeal from Philip drunk to Philip sober, from Ann Street, cozened by old fogies, to Ann Street under guidance of her native instincts. [Loud applause.] M
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
nd of the magnetic telegraph, and the Charleston Mercury is the other. New York statesmanship! Why, even in the lips of Seward, it is sealed, or half sealed, by considerations which take their rise in the canebrakes and cotton-fields of fifteen States. Break up this Union, and the ideas of South Carolina will have no more influence on Seward than those of Palmerston. The wishes of New Orleans would have no more influence on Chief Justice Bigelow than the wishes of London. The threat of Davis, Toombs, and Keitt will have no more influence on the Tribune than the thunders of the London Times or the hopes of the Chartists. Our Bancrofts will no longer write history with one eye fixed on Democratic success, nor our Websters invent laws of God to please Mr. Senator Douglas. We shall have as close connection, as much commerce; we shall still have a common language, a common faith, and common race, the same common social life; we shall intermarry just the same; we shall have steamers
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
r as a nation of mixed races, or as black republics, the Gulf States will gravitate back to us free. The South cannot make war on any one. Suppose the fifteen States hang together a year,--which is almost an impossibility,-- 1st. They have given bonds in two thousand millions of dollars — the value of their slaves — to keep the peace. 2d. They will have enough to do to attend to the irrepressible conflict at home. Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, will be their Massachusetts; Winter Davis, Blair, and Cassius Clay, their Seward and Garrison. 3d. The Gulf States will monopolize all the offices. A man must have Gulf principles to belong to a healthy party. Under such a lead, disfranchised Virginia, in opposition, will not have much heart to attack Pennsylvania. 4th. The census shows that the Border States are pushing their slaves South. Fear of their free Northern neighbors will quicken the process, and so widen the breach between Gulf and Border States by making one
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 20 (search)
ere is something better than life, holier than even real and just property, in such an hour as this. And again, we must remember another thing,--the complication of such a struggle as this. Bear with me a moment. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? [Many voices, No! Never! ] In 1842, Governor Wise of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. [Applause.] It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr. Adams said (substantially): If foreign war comes, if civil war come
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 21 (search)
affairs. I do not think that cause equal to the result. Other men before Jefferson Davis and Governor Wise have been disappointed of the Presidency. Henry Clay, D, 1773; but that tea-chest was not the cause of the Revolution, neither is Jefferson Davis the cause of the rebellion. If you will look upon the map, and notice tha that. I believe that if, a year ago, when the thing first showed itself, Jefferson Davis and Toombs and Keitt and Wise, and the rest, had been hung for traitors as revealed and checkmated,--is that your President is unfashionable, and Mrs. Jefferson Davis is not. Unseen chains are sometimes stronger than those of iron, and heaproach toward victory on our part, without freeing the slave, gives him free to Davis. So far, the South is sure to succeed, either by victory or defeat, unless we Southerner, from Toombs up to Fremont, has acknowledged it. Do you suppose that Davis and Beauregard, and the rest, mean to be exiles, wandering contemned in every g
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 22 (search)
in some form or other, that this is a war, not against Jefferson Davis, but against the system; until the whole nation indorseither vigor or a purpose. It drifts with events. If Jefferson Davis is a sane man, if he is a sagacious man, and has the p him over into an Abolitionist. I do not believe that Jefferson Davis, while he is able to control his forces, will ever allwo full years against such efforts as no nation ever made. Davis wants to tide over to that time, without rousing the North.mergency. But for these considerations, I see not why Jefferson Davis should not throw all his troops upon Washington, first the South. You save not yet measured the terms which Jefferson Davis sill impose upon the North, when, if ever, it proposespacity of Abraham Lincoln, but I do believe in the pride of Davis, in the vanity of the South, in the desperate determination of conservatism sends him. Mr. Wickliffe of Kentucky and Mr. Davis of Kentucky put their feet down and say, Do this, and the
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 26 (search)
wer. I respect her for it. She knows that she needs to rule. What does Mr. Jefferson Davis plan? Do you suppose he plans' for an imaginary line to divide South Cait only the fulcrum of Plymouth Rock, an idea will upheave the continent. Now, Davis knows that better than we do,--a great deal better. His plan, therefore, is toed years, if it last so long, but he will conquer. [Applause.] In other words, Davis will try to rule. If he conquers, he is to bring, in his phrase, Carolina to Mhare in the great State he aided to found, not one merely in its ruins. Mr. Jefferson Davis has two hundred thousand men in arms to-day. I do not believe he ever he a fool who, having a fever, scraped his tongue and took no medicine. Killing Davis is only scraping the tongue; killing slavery is taking a wet-sheet pack, destroophobia stabs nearer the heart of the government, has more power to wound, than Davis has There will be none of it in our army at least, the moment government lets i