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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Biographical sketch of Wendell Phillips. (search)
who alone were competent to the accomplishment of the great end to which the most valuable years of his life had been devoted. But Mr. Phillips could not remain idle. Restless energy was the motive power of his nature, and it soon forced him into other fields of labor. In turn he espoused the cause of the laboring-man, of prohibition, of the woman-suffragists, of prison-reform, of the paper-money advocates, and of the Irish cause. In 1870 the workingmen and the prohibitionists of Massachusetts nominated Mr. Phillips for governor of his native State. In the election of that year he received upwards of twenty thousand votes. The fact that he was a nominee for office in this instance stands clearly in contrast with the balance of his life, yet it is no exception. He led a forlorn-hope,--a handful of men fighting, not with any expectation of electing their candidate, but with the determination of emphasizing their beliefs by counted ballots. It could be truthfully said of Mr.
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Woman's rights. (search)
s thrown upon her protection? If we consult common sense, and leave theories alone, there is but one answer. Such a one can rightfully claim of society all the civil privileges, and of fashion all such liberty as will best enable her to discharge fully her duties as a mother. But woman, it is said, may safely trust all to the watchful and generous care of man. She has been obliged to do so hitherto. With what result, let the unequal and unjust legislation of all nations answer. In Massachusetts, lately, a man married an heiress, worth fifty thousand dollars. Dying, about a year after his marriage, he made this remarkably generous and manly will. He left these fifty thousand dollars to her so long as she should remain his widow! [Loud laughter.] These dollars, which he owed entirely to her, which were fairly hers, he left to her, after twelve months use, on this generous condition, that she should never marry again! Ought a husband to have such unlimited control over the prop
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 5 (search)
-dub agitation with which to rescue Hungary from the bloody talons of the Austrian eagle! This is statesmanship! The statesmanship that says to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts to-day, Smother those prejudices, and to-morrow, There is no throne on the broad earth strong enough to stand up against the sentiment of justice. What is that but the prejudices of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts against man-hunting? And this is the man before whom the press and the pulpit of the country would have had the Abolitionists bow their heads, and lay their mouths in the dust, instead of holding fast to the eternal principles of justice and right! It would be iof this State in the Sims case did more to dictate the decision of Chief Justice Shaw, than the Legislature that sat in the State-House, or the statute-book of Massachusetts. I mean what I say. The penny papers of New York do more to govern this country than the White House at Washington. Mr. Webster says we live under a governme
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 6 (search)
ts melted by that eloquence, beneath which Massachusetts had bowed, not unworthily, for more than tlas! I said, if the party which has owned Massachusetts so long, which spoke to me, as a boy, throwent up one day into the Senate-chamber of Massachusetts, in which the Otises, the Quincys, and the State in the world,--the good old Commonwealth of Massachusetts,--and I stood there to see this img, the Faneuil Hall Whig, who came home to Massachusetts,--his own Massachusetts, the State he thouMassachusetts, the State he thought he owned, body and soul,--who came home to Massachusetts, and lobbied so efficiently as to secuMassachusetts, and lobbied so efficiently as to secure the election of Charles Sumner to the Senate of the United States. [Loud cheers.] [A voice: ry much doubt, whether, fifty years hence, Massachusetts will not choose men with back-bones to senhe capital, the interests and the honor of Massachusetts and New England. I believe, no matter wheaking, they have turned their faces toward Massachusetts. They reflect the public opinion of the S[3 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 7 (search)
the piratical deck of the Acorn,--Is this Massachusetts liberty? What, then, is the use of sucht bound the hapless victim to the altar of Massachusetts criminal law. Yes, let them pass. The se who have taken refuge under the laws of Massachusetts, what they must expect here. The time wagitive Slave Bill. The time may come when Massachusetts may not be willing to have her cities scenut you are harbingers of a better hour for Massachusetts than this day twelve months saw darken ovehat it will. We are to speak to practical Massachusetts. I do not shrink from going before the fa, and the workingmen,--the thinking men of Massachusetts,--and urging upon them the consideration torrow. When we asked the Supreme Court of Massachusetts to interfere in Sims's behalf, on the grout triumphs of the antislavery sentiment of Massachusetts? The list is short, we know it by heart. ll chance of harm. God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts! How coldly, often, does the old p[5 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 8 (search)
f charity and courtesy, we cannot give it to the world. [Loud cheers.] Some of the leaders of the Free Soil party of Massachusetts, after exhausting the whole capacity of our language to paint the treachery of Daniel Webster to the cause of libertyrew himself so gallantly into the breach, it is said he wrote anxiously home to know whether he would be supported in Massachusetts, little aware of the outburst of popular gratitude which the Northern breeze was even then bringing him, deep and cordial enough to wipe away tie old grudge Massachusetts had borne him so long. Mr. Adams himself was only in favor of receiving the petitions, and advised to refuse their prayer, which was the abolition of slavery in the District. He doubted the powarchment may be, without the compact resulting in new strength to the slave system? It is the unimpaired strength of Massachusetts and New York, and the youthful vigor of Ohio, that, even now, enable bankrupt Carolina to hold up the institution. E
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 9 (search)
y as a whole, we are proud of the Bench of Massachusetts. You have given no higher title than that a Court of Impeachment, and removed. (Const. Mass., Chap. I. Sec. 2, Art. 8.) The petitioners gal, or that was prohibited by the laws of Massachusetts, and alleging that he has only acted in co, that in the Constitutional Convention of Massachusetts, in 1820, this clause of the Constitution to accept it. This absolute sovereignty of Massachusetts, which, ever since the Colonies, had been Where do we next meet this specimen of Massachusetts humanity and judicial decorum? It was ntution of the United States, which he says Massachusetts required him as Judge of Probate to take, uld or not matters not to you, Gentlemen. Massachusetts has a right to say what sort of men she wited States, and as such the supreme law of Massachusetts (7 Cush. Rep. 285); and in exposition of proper independence of the judiciary; that Massachusetts can fix the seal of her detestation on the[56 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 10 (search)
e men and women were Boston. We will remember no other. I never open the statute-book of Massachusetts with out thanking Ellis Gray Loring and Samuel J. May. Charles Follen and Samuel E. Sewall,here twenty years ago did other good service but a few months after, in getting the Court of Massachusetts to recognize that great principle of freedom, that a slave, brought into a Northern State, i years, we have proved that an antislavery meeting is not only possible, but respectable, in Massachusetts,--that is all we have proved. Lord Erskine said a newspaper was stronger than government. then so well the mobocrats in broadcloth, has passed from a father wearied in trying to hold Massachusetts back, to his son,--whose accession, to reverse James the First's motto, no day followed, --ain the masses, enough to rebuke that class and that press and that purpose, and give the State of Massachusetts more emphatically to some kind of antislavery, it is still a struggle. I would not rejo
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 12 (search)
Letter to Judge Shaw and President Walker the hotels of Boston, with the connivance of the city government, refuse to obey the Maine Liquor law of Massachusetts. The Revere House, the most fashionable of our hotels, was chosen to offer a public dinner to Morphy, at which were present Judge Shaw, President Walker, the Mayor, Professor Huntington, and other dignitaries. Lemuel Shaw, Chief Justice of Massachusetts, and James Walker, President of Harvard University. Gentlemen: Now that the press has ceased its ridicule of your homage to Morphy at the Revere House,--a criticism of little importance,--I wish to present the scene to you in a different lt while the world stood, if so doing made his brother to offend-still throws that stumbling-block in the way of his pupils. But I arraign the Chief Justice of Massachusetts, and the President of Harvard University, because, when the rum interest of the State is marshalling its strength to beat down a good and constitutional law by
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 13 (search)
eart faint. Yet this is the model which Massachusetts offers to the Pantheon of the great juristjoin in doing him honor, we are natives of Massachusetts, and claim the right to express an opinion of the Webster statue. I do not know why Massachusetts may not import critics as well as heroes; But you and I, Mr. Chairman, were born in Massachusetts, and we cannot but remember that the charaand institutions I this the noblest heart Massachusetts can offer to the world for a place beside d the Fayettes Thank God, then, we are not Massachusetts men! When I think of the long term and hildren on Western prairies, looking up to Massachusetts teachers, learn to bless. He bears the sceptre of Massachusetts influence to the shores of the Pacific. When at the head of our Normal Schoble soul in the State will stir our mother Massachusetts to behead his image, we will cherish the name of that true Massachusetts boy as sacredly as they keep the brave old sword at Reval. [Loud an
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