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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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Milton, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
th the orators were found in November (Lib. 24.190, 202). On Saturday, Nov. 18, 1854, Theodore Parker wrote to Francis Jackson (Ms.): Thank you for the documents—I see where they will fit in. They say I am to be arrested this P. M., as late as possible, so as to preclude bail; the Boston Bens [Benjamin R. Curtis and Benjamin F. Hallett] wishing to shut up the meeting-house one day. Where can I find you this P. M. in case of need? Wendell Phillips to Mrs. Elizabeth Pease Nichol. [Milton, Mass.], August 7, 1854. Ms. I would say something on the Burns case if I did not know you saw the Standard and Liberator, from whose columns you get so many particulars that a note like this can add little. 'T was the saddest week I ever passed. Men talked of the good we might expect for the cause, but I could not think then of the general cause, so mournful and sad rose ever before me the pleading eyes of the poor victim, when he sat and cast Lib. 26.19. his case on our consciences, a
France (France) (search for this): chapter 14
on by publicly burning the Constitution on the Fourth of July. The Civil War began in 1854 with the passage of the Lib. 24.82. Nebraska Bill. By this measure a tract embracing upwards of 400,000 square miles, bounded on the north by the British dominions, and on the south by the Indian Territory, and lying between the Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains,—larger than the original thirteen Lib. 24.33. States, comparable in size to the then existing free States, or to Italy, Spain, and France,—was thrown open to slavery, though expressly dedicated to freedom by the Missouri Compromise, as lying wholly north of 36° 30′. This revolutionary proceeding threatened to divide by a Lib. 24.23. great wedge the free States of the Pacific Coast from those of the interior and the East, and to give to the Slave Power the exclusive control of the Mississippi Valley. The Compromise of 1850 had left the Missouri Compromise untouched and unquestioned. Calhoun—grant him Southern California
Israel (Israel) (search for this): chapter 14
mmonwealth, which saw in it a Lib. 24.111. gross discourtesy to the Free Soil portion of the audience —both as wounding their feelings of reverence for the Constitution, and as calculated to increase the odium under which their party labored. The Commonwealth kindly informs us, wrote Mr. Garrison, Lib. 24.114. that it knows of no one who objects to my burning the Constitution, provided I get up a private bonfire on my own account; but the offence was, in doing the deed before all Israel and the sun. It was insulting (!) the convictions of others, whose views of the Constitution are as honest, and perhaps as sensible, as my own. I should have retired to some corner, and burned it on my own private and particular hook, without outraging the feelings of my audience !!!. . . Let me tell the Commonwealth that slavery is a public, not a private concern—a national, not a local system; that it is silly and impertinent to suggest privacy of action against it; that, in the strug
Nebraska (Nebraska, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
The Civil War began in 1854 with the passage of the Lib. 24.82. Nebraska Bill. By this measure a tract embracing upwards of 400,000 squareies to whom was referred a bill for an act to establish the Territory of Nebraska, Lib. 24.6, 9; Greeley's Struggle for Slavery Extension, premendous, but as futile after as before the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act. It was all very well to hang Douglas in effigy—for Lib. 24.3 74, 115. associations to pour free-State settlers into Kansas and Nebraska, slavery having the shortest cut to the scene of competition. Yetflock announcing a Revolution begun, of what use was it to make of Nebraska a transplanted Massachusetts, when Massachusetts herself had been scounting the present triumph of slavery in the case of Kansas and Nebraska, and anticipating yet greater,—slavery not only luxuriating in all. 24.30. of the Commonwealth, refusing to be a delegate to an Anti-Nebraska Bill Convention in Faneuil Hall: I trust you will allow me s
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
of kidnappers. More practical was the incorporation, first in Massachusetts, of Emigrant Aid Lib. 24.62, 74, 115. associations to pour free-State settlers into Kansas and Nebraska, slavery having the shortest cut to the scene of competition. Yet, as the Rev. T. W. Higginson asked, in a sermon to Lib. 24.95. his Worcester flocin inquiry whether they admitted any Constitutional obligation with respect to fugitive slaves. Seward, discounting the present triumph of slavery in the case of Kansas and Nebraska, and anticipating yet greater,—slavery not only luxuriating in all new Territories, but stealthily creeping into the free States themselves, Greeley'out of the Democratic Party at the same elections in the North, caused Lib. 24.205. genuine alarm to the Slave Power, and confirmed it in its efforts to colonize Kansas. Fraud and violence—without actual bloodshed—were freely practised in the new Territory. Armed border ruffians from Missouri crossed Lib. 24.194, 197, 201, 202<
Cuba (Cuba) (search for this): chapter 14
e strengthened, but the mass settle down very little different from before. Indeed, the Government has fallen into the hands of the Slave Power completely. So far as national politics are concerned, we are beaten—there's no hope. We shall have Cuba in a year or two, Mexico in five; and I should not wonder if efforts were made to revive the slave trade, though perhaps unsuccessfully, as the Northern slave States, which live by the export of slaves, would help us in opposing that. Events hurrdings had a solid substratum in the signs of the times. Never was the Slave Power more insolent in its consciousness of strength, or wilder in its delirium of empire. See, for the undisguised purpose of President Pierce's Administration to annex Cuba, Lib. 24: 85, 127, 130, 189, 194; and, for the ancillary intrigue to acquire Samana Bay in San Domingo—a menace also to the independence and liberty of Hayti— Lib. 24: 157, 159; 25: 1, 61. Lieut. Herndon's exploration of the Amazon in 1851, by dir<
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
ain, and France,—was thrown open to slavery, though expressly dedicated to freedom by the Missouri Compromise, as lying wholly north of 36° 30′. This revolutionary proceeding threatened to divide by a Lib. 24.23. great wedge the free States of the Pacific Coast from those of the interior and the East, and to give to the Slave Power the exclusive control of the Mississippi Valley. The Compromise of 1850 had left the Missouri Compromise untouched and unquestioned. Calhoun—grant him Southern California and New Mexico for slavery—was ready, if reluctant, to protract the dividing parallel to the Ante, p. 217. Pacific. Lewis Cass, in his famous letter to A. O. P. Greeley's Struggle for Slavery Extension, p. 47. Nicholson, December 24, 1847, laid down a principle of squatter sovereignty broad enough, indeed, for all the Territories of the United States, yet intended for immediate application only to the imminent acquisitions from Mexico. Stephen A. Douglas, speaking at New Orleans
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
e Lib. 24.103, 110, 198. way of kidnappers. More practical was the incorporation, first in Massachusetts, of Emigrant Aid Lib. 24.62, 74, 115. associations to pour free-State settlers into Kansas r flock announcing a Revolution begun, of what use was it to make of Nebraska a transplanted Massachusetts, when Massachusetts herself had been miserably wanting to the cause of freedom? In comparMassachusetts herself had been miserably wanting to the cause of freedom? In comparing the Nebraska with the Texas excitement, one feels that the Fugitive Slave Law was a weakener of resistance in 1854, since it afforded a satisfying scapegoat to outraged Northern feeling. Add an n, had now come with a strength hitherto unknown. From the Ohio wing the Lib. 24.126, 146. Massachusetts Free Soilers adopted the name of the Republican Party, affirming it to be preeminently the he Slave Power overthrown—the Union must be Dis-Solved! Lib. 24.146. For the moment, in Massachusetts, in New Hampshire, and elsewhere, the course pursued by the Free Soilers was, while maintain
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
direction of the Navy Department, had distinct reference to a pro-slavery colonization with an ultimate view to annexation (Lib. 24: 62). On the other hand, see the numerous expressions of the Southern press looking to a restoration of the slave trade (Lib. 24: 149, 173), and in particular Henry A. Wise's letter to the Rev. Nehemiah Adams, D. D. (Lib. 24: 150). I would, said the Virginian, recommend the repeal of every act to suppress the slave trade. In November, 1856, the Governor of South Carolina sent a message to the Legislature advising the re-opening of that traffic (Lib. 26: 193, 194). The unparalleled rise in the price of slaves lay at the bottom of this villany. At the date just mentioned, according to the Richmond Enquirer, male negroes were worth seven hundred dollars around (Lib. 27.1. Compare 27: 58, 63, 72, 79, 87, 175, 183, 186; 28.11, 191, 198; 29: 17, 139; 30: 75, 77, 143). It was Mr. Garrison's prerogative to emphasize this truth at all times. On July 4th, a
Richmond (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
H. Benton. the House, the squatter sovereignty provided for in the bill only extends to the subject of slavery, and only to one side of that—the admitting side. Lib. 24.70. All laws to prevent the bringing in of slaves were forbidden, and the sovereigns could not pass upon and settle the question of slave or free society till a State government was formed. Meanwhile, the institution would have taken possession, and could only have been expelled by force. In 1847, a public meeting at Richmond, Va., affirmed the right to Circa Mar. 1; Lib. 17.38. take slave property into the Territories north of 36° 30′, and proposed to assert it by arms. With the right sanctioned by Congress, and settlement actually made, the whole South could be counted on to maintain the advantage by arms. It only remained to secure Federal protection for slave property in transit in the free States to complete the pro-slavery mastery of the entire Union. The reaction at the North in face of this prospect—
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