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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
June 17 (Lib. 26: 38). they resolved to vote for the admission of Kansas into the Union as a free State! Wonderful! Put not your faith in —politicians! His cherished correspondent, like many another Lib. 26.122, 170, 171, 174. abolitionist, was swept away by the hope of political success into ardent support of Fremont; and such examples encouraged the Democrats in their policy of identifying Lib. 26: [142], [143]; 27.2. the Republicans with the disunion abolitionists. Howell Cobb of Georgia, addressing a Democratic meeting at Portland, Me., on August 6, charged the Republicans that the only difference between you and Garrison is—he goes at the question boldly, like a man, and you are sneaking around it. Garrison says your Constitution protects slavery, and he is against the Constitution. Well, I admit that he is foolish, but, at the same time, you are obliged to admit that he is bolder and honester than you are. Lib. 26.133. The editor of the Liberator was beset with inquiri
Coal Creek (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
to Kansas by the Missouri River Lib. 26.107, 110, 129, [135], [147], 171. route was practically closed, and even the Iowa and Nebraska frontiers were watched and picketed. The first free-State reprisals were made by John Brown in what Sanborn's John Brown, chap. IX. his latest biographer calls the Pottawatomie executions —midnight extirpation with the sword, in true Southern May 25, 1856. fashion, of a nest of harborers of Border Ruffianism; and the capture of a raiding company at Black Jack Creek, June 2, 1856. Sanborn's John Brown, p. 241. the first regular battle fought between free-State and pro-slavery men in Kansas. Wanton bloodshed in that Territory, and not antislavery principle, wrought the North to the pitch of resistance symbolized by the vote for Fremont. It carried the clergy off their feet, and opened their churches to meetings for the donation of Sharp's rifles for Kansas—Henry Ward Lib. 26.51. Beecher and Theodore Parker being conspicuous in the Lib. 26.51
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
of principle, or moving a hair's-breadth from the path of duty. In disregard of this consistent attitude, maintained at a loss to the editor's subscription-list, Horace Greeley Lib. 27.2. made no scruple, in his N. Y. Tribune, of pronouncing the Liberator especially hostile to Fremont and the Republican Party Lib. 26.162.; and his timidity at last prompted him to commit Mr. Garrison in the most tangible manner. One of the keenest lobbying members of the Fremont Party came home from Pennsylvania, before election, and asked me to urge Mr. Garrison to write an article against Fremont as bitter as he could make it. It will be worth a thousand votes to him [Fremont], said he; I know the very districts where he will gain as many (Wendell Phillips, in speech at Worcester, Jan. 15, 1857; Lib. 27: 32). Horace Greeley to W. L. Garrison. New York, Oct. 29, 1856. Lib. 26.174. Dear Sir: The Pennsylvanian publishes conspicuously from day to day the following:— Horace Greeley's
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
would be treason to Virginia (Lib. 26: 166, 175). For cases of expulsion, see Lib. 29: 35. 4. It divides the nation by a geographical line, but without any sectional feeling on its own part; this division being caused solely by its just defence of the rights of the North against the daring invasions of the Slave Power, which is determined to crush out every sentiment of freedom in the land, and to punish opposition to its monstrous designs as summarily in Massachusetts as in Virginia or Alabama. 5. It helps to disseminate no small amount of light and knowledge in regard to the nature and workings of the slave system, being necessitated to do this to maintain its position; and thus, for the time being, it is moulding public sentiment in the right direction, though with no purpose to aid us in the specific work we are striving to accomplish—namely, the dissolution of the Union, and the abolition of slavery throughout the land. All this may be fairly set down to the credit of t
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
derous assault, was entitled The Crime against Kansas; and the assault itself was merely a part of tNorthern hordes are endeavoring to extend into Kansas. How the love of Union on the part of the Ne, which Lib. 26.99. was sacked. Entrance to Kansas by the Missouri River Lib. 26.107, 110, 129, w a camel? If every border ruffian invading Kansas deserves to be shot, much more does every slavwer to this question would presently come from Kansas itself (from John Brown, namely) with the aid this mistake, slavery is fortifying itself in Kansas, and weakening and expelling liberty. . . . Th I conclude that the North will put slavery in Kansas to a violent death? Because I am certain that death-struggle between liberty and slavery in Kansas will be a death-struggle between these powers 12. Resolved, That the successive invasions of Kansas by the Missouri bandits—their seizure of the b2]. brief Senatorial career, had twice voted. Kansas was the sole vital issue put forward. The ton[17 more...]
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
r slave State, drugged with whiskey, and hounded on by broken-down and desperate politicians. But they are far less blameworthy than their employers and endorsers. To a great extent, they are the victims of a horribly false state of society in Missouri, and no doubt fearfully depraved; yet they are not beasts, nor to be treated as beasts. Convince us that it is right to shoot anybody, and our perplexity would be to know where to begin— whom first to despatch, as opportunity might offer. We stiousness, is diabolically amiable and considerate towards us (Lib. 26: 118). . . . What are the facts respecting Kansas? Briefly these: Squatter Sovereignty has turned out to be repeated invasions of the Territory by armed bandits from Missouri, who have successfully made it a conquered province, manufactured a Territorial Government, enacted a code of laws worthy of pandemonium, and trampled the civil and political rights of the bona-fide settlers under their feet; and for one sole ob
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 16
ll the bloody and infernal system at the ballot-box. For the civil war that has already broken out in this land, I hold the North and the South equally responsible. Mr. Garrison entertained no illusions about the efficacy of ballot-boxes or bayonets without a public sentiment behind them. He held to the simple Christian and humane remedy which consisted solely in breaking up the unholy partnership that ensured the national support of slavery. Here are his resolutions offered at the New England Anti-Slavery Convention on May 27, 1856: 10. Resolved, That we deplore the moral blindness and Lib. 26.89. inconsistency of those who are seeking to transform the antislavery cause into a mere territorial struggle, in accordance with the Missouri Compromise—making it no longer a question as to the liberation of four millions of imbruted slaves at the South, but only one of latitude and longitude—basing it on a corrupt bargain, and not on the rights of man—sacrificing one race for t<
Pittsburgh (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
ts platform about the repeal of the Lib. 26:[142]. Fugitive Slave Law, or urging abolition in the District of Columbia, against which, by the way, Fremont, during his Lib. 26.114, [142]. brief Senatorial career, had twice voted. Kansas was the sole vital issue put forward. The tone of the Republican Party, Ms. wrote Mr. Garrison to S. J. May, on March 21, 1856, is becoming more and more feeble and indefinite, in order to secure a large vote in the approaching Presidential struggle. At Pittsburg, Feb. 22, 1856; the convention which paved the way for that at Philadelphia on June 17 (Lib. 26: 38). they resolved to vote for the admission of Kansas into the Union as a free State! Wonderful! Put not your faith in —politicians! His cherished correspondent, like many another Lib. 26.122, 170, 171, 174. abolitionist, was swept away by the hope of political success into ardent support of Fremont; and such examples encouraged the Democrats in their policy of identifying Lib. 26: [1
Portland (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
or the admission of Kansas into the Union as a free State! Wonderful! Put not your faith in —politicians! His cherished correspondent, like many another Lib. 26.122, 170, 171, 174. abolitionist, was swept away by the hope of political success into ardent support of Fremont; and such examples encouraged the Democrats in their policy of identifying Lib. 26: [142], [143]; 27.2. the Republicans with the disunion abolitionists. Howell Cobb of Georgia, addressing a Democratic meeting at Portland, Me., on August 6, charged the Republicans that the only difference between you and Garrison is—he goes at the question boldly, like a man, and you are sneaking around it. Garrison says your Constitution protects slavery, and he is against the Constitution. Well, I admit that he is foolish, but, at the same time, you are obliged to admit that he is bolder and honester than you are. Lib. 26.133. The editor of the Liberator was beset with inquiries as to Lib. 26:[142], 162. his attitude towa
Worcester (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
le to Fremont and the Republican Party Lib. 26.162.; and his timidity at last prompted him to commit Mr. Garrison in the most tangible manner. One of the keenest lobbying members of the Fremont Party came home from Pennsylvania, before election, and asked me to urge Mr. Garrison to write an article against Fremont as bitter as he could make it. It will be worth a thousand votes to him [Fremont], said he; I know the very districts where he will gain as many (Wendell Phillips, in speech at Worcester, Jan. 15, 1857; Lib. 27: 32). Horace Greeley to W. L. Garrison. New York, Oct. 29, 1856. Lib. 26.174. Dear Sir: The Pennsylvanian publishes conspicuously from day to day the following:— Horace Greeley's honesty. We hold that honesty in politics, as in everything else, is the best policy. We do not believe falsehood is stronger than truth. Horace Greeley. Commentaries. The Garrisonian abolitionists do not support Fremont; on the contrary, they will neither vote
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