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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
distance of 30 or 40 miles. In the daytime, our meetings were respectably attended in point of numbers, and by some of the choicest spirits in the land. In the evening, they were crowded to overflowing. They were held in the Second Presbyterian Church. The deepest interest was manifested in them from the opening to the close. W. L. Chaplin A grandson of Colonel William Prescott, who commanded at Bunker Hill. For his subsequent prominence as a victim of the Slave Power, see Lib. 21: 66; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2: 80-82. was present, and endeavored to act the champion for the third party; but he made miserable work of it. On taking the vote on a resolution condemnatory of that party, it was carried by a very large majority, though all persons were allowed to express Cf. ante, p. 62. their views. The result was most unexpected to myself, inasmuch as nearly all the abolitionists in this section of the Ante, 2.415. country have been carried away by this unwise m
uld laws passed by the aid of her representatives be resisted? No one not an abolitionist ever advocated any measure of irreconcilability—so to call it—except Henry Wilson in the Massachusetts Senate. His proposal, to provide by law that the moment a man held as a slave in Texas stepped upon the soil of Massachusetts, his liberty should be as sacred as his life, Wilson's Rise and Fall of Slave Power, 1.637; Lib. 15.39, 77. and to make it a high crime to molest him, fell dead, and was, in fact, though well meant, absurd, either as a practicable mode of opposition or as a quid pro quo, even supposing the whole North to have taken this stand along with Massharles Allen, and Charles Francis Adams, in preparing the Address of the Convention—an address filled with noble sentiments of hostility to slavery domination (Henry Wilson in the Massachusetts Senate, 1852; Lib. 22.41). I remember that when, in 1845, the present leaders of the Free Soil Party, with Daniel Webster in their company<
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 11: George Thompson, M. P.—1851. (search)
ving for. Life! what a weariness it is, with its drudgery of education; its little cares of to-day, all to be lived over again to-morrow; its rising, eating, and lying down—only to continue the monotonous routine! Let us thank God that he has inspired any one to awaken us from being these dull and rotting weeds—revealed to us the joy of self-devotion—taught us how we intensify this life by laying it a willing offering on the altar of some great cause! We must pass over the speech of Henry Wilson, the Lib. 21.19. then President of the Massachusetts Senate, the future Vice-President of the United States—a twelve-years' 1873-1875. reader of the Liberator, acknowledging his debt of gratitude to Mr. Garrison for his own love of liberty and regard for the rights of man over all the globe; pass, too, over Theodore Parker's eulogium, and the kindred strains Lib. 21.19. of many others, both clergymen and laymen. Charles List, A son-in-law of Nathan Winslow. His widow was re-marr
felt that another four years must pass before anything could be achieved. When a Convention at Pittsburgh was talked of, John P. Hale let it be known Lib. 22.131. in advance that he would not accept the nomination if tendered him again. Nevertheless, assemble it did on August 11, borrowing the appellation of Free Democracy Lib. 22.134. from the Cleveland Convention of May 2, 1849, Lib. 19.85. and drawing to itself both Free Soil and the remnant of independent Liberty Party elements. Henry Wilson presided. Frederick Douglass, on motion of Lewis Tappan, was made one of the secretaries. Charles Francis Adams, Gerrit Smith, F. J. Le Moyne, and Joshua R. Giddings took a leading part. The platform declared for no more slave States, no slave Territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves Lib. 22.134. —which last was to be relegated to the States; Accordingly, the new party was estopped from complaining of California's having passed a
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 13: the Bible Convention.—1853. (search)
Atherton, of gag memory. Mr.Ante, 2.247-249. Hale's political attitude towards slavery, under the compromises of the Constitution, certainly had not been acceptable to the abolitionists; but his solitary courage amid a contemptuous and murderous pro-slavery body like the Senate of the United States deserved, and had always received, recognition in the Liberator. Mr. Lib. 23:[83]. Garrison, therefore, took his place without scruple beside Charles Sumner, John G. Palfrey, Horace Mann, Henry Wilson, Anson Burlingame, Richard H. Dana, Jr., John Jay, and Joshua Leavitt. On Cassius Clay's offering the toast—The True Union: To Benton, to Bryant, to T. H. Benton. W. C. Bryant. W. H. Seward. H. Greeley. Seward, to Greeley, to Garrison, to Phillips, to Quincy— the union of all the opponents of the propaganda of slavery, there were loud calls for Garrison, who responded with peculiar felicity, paying just tributes to Hale and to Lib. 23.74. Clay, The first meeting of Garrison and C. M. C
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
dens and let the oppressed go free; or, if you prefer to maintain that institution, perish with it! The one letter to the Convention which astonished and offended its recipients by its tone came from Sumner's colleague in the U. S. Senate, Henry Wilson. He had read the call with profound regret, believing that the Lib. 27.14. movement could have no other effect than to put a burden on the Republican Party, by arraying against it that intense, passionate, and vehement spirit of nationality Finally, I turn to the Republican Party, and say, And you, also, go for the Union? and they make the loudest noise, and throw up their caps the highest in its behalf. Now, either these parties mean by Union the same thing, or they do not. Henry Wilson, when he says, I am for perpetuating the Union, means by it what the South means, or he does not. All these parties mean the same thing, or they do not. If they do, then I stain them all with the blood of four millions of slaves, who lie crush
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 18: the irrepressible Conflict.—1858. (search)
ing the Kansas quarrel. Nevertheless, on February 2, President Buchanan sent a Lib. 28.23, 28; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2.544. message to Congress, denouncing the free-State inhabiansas, Lib. 28.34. Douglas's adverse report in the Senate, Crittenden's attempt to Lib. 28.59; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2.558. secure submission of the Lecompton Constitution to thcommittee adopted the bill contrived by William H. English of Indiana, and on April Lib. 28.75; Wilson, 2.564, 565. 30 the enabling act was passed. The first section of Article 7 of the Constitutiont for admission. The bribe was promptly spurned and the menace disregarded by the Lib. 28.131; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2.565. Territory, which stood erect by more than ten thousanlinois politician who was in reality to stand and to be elected. The logic of Lincoln, he said Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 2.572, 573. on July 9, meant a war of extermination directed
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 19: John Brown.—1859. (search)
Southern soil, except in peril of his life–when the whole party was outlawed in all the Southern States—when no electoral ticket bearing his name could have been tolerated in Georgia, or Alabama, or Carolina, or any Southern State—and when, if Henry Wilson had dared to go down South and advocate his election to the Presidency, he would have gone there as a man goes to the grave, and never would have come back to Massachusetts alive? When a party stands in that attitude to slavery, and slavery sudiate the connection, and to shift the burden on to Lib. 29.169, 173, 177. the Garrisonians. For the moment, their fears told them that John Brown had ruined their chances of success at the next Presidential election. In this state of mind Henry Wilson came, on the first tidings of the outbreak, to confer with Mr. Garrison at his home in Dix Place, and departed with cheering assurances that what had happened was all for the best. To the editor, the presentation of the news of the hour—th
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. (search)
uses of Congress. Had not Fremont's possible election in 1856 been made the ground Ante, p. 435. of threats of secession? Why, then, pay heed to similar talk now in view of Seward's probable nomination and election by the Republican Party? Henry Wilson, in a speech in the Senate on January 25, 1860, put on record Lib. 30.17. what had already been said during the current session. Two examples will suffice. Senator Iverson of Georgia Lib. 30.17. was ready to lead away the Southern delegatiating committee, other Republican Congressmen were true to their anti-slavery integrity. Sumner, by the introduction of petitions for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law and the Lib. 30.63. abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia; Henry Wilson, by his bill for the more effectual suppression of Lib. 30.63. the slave trade; but especially Owen Lovejoy, inviting by his speech of April 5 the fate of his martyr brother, Lib. 30.62. redeemed the Republican Party from the stigma of unive