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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 6
Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. The discovery of gold mines in California contemporaneously with the cession of that territory from Mexico brought an unexpected turn in political history. During the years 1848– 1849 emigrants by tens of thousands, largely enterprising young men from the free States, thronged to the Pacific coast in search of the precious metal. Slaveholders, slow in thought and action, could not keep abreast of this wonderful movement, combining thrift, xtension of slavery and the increase of slave representation in Congress; had asserted for himself precedence of others in the support of the principle of the Wilmot Proviso, and had even voted for its application to the territories acquired from Mexico, whose fate was again in question. Lodge's Life of Webster, pp. 292, 321; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. p. 241; G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 307, note. He now announced that he should vote against the ins
Syracuse (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
ree States and had intermarried with free persons; and the hardship, cruelty, and violence which attended the reclamations aroused deep indignation in the North. Southern masters at once put the law into execution in the cities of New York and Philadelphia and other places,—in some cases succeeding in recovering their negroes with little opposition or excitement, but in others encountering a resolute contest in the courts, or forcible resistance carried sometimes to a fatal result. In Syracuse, N. Y., where the population was altogether in sympathy with the negroes, a rescue planned by prominent citizens was effected. The partisans of compromise set their hearts on a triumph in Boston, the seat of antislavery agitation. A month after Congress had adjourned, a meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, with C. F. Adams as chairman, and R. H. Dana, Jr., as mover of resolutions, to denounce the obnoxious law and express sympathy with the negroes against whose liberty it was aimed; but only
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 6
irginia sought to secure William and Ellen Crafts, who had recently escaped, and on arriving in Boston had found wise and brave protectors in Theodore Parker, Dr. Henry I. Bowditch, Ellis Gray Loring, and Mrs. George S. Hillard. They were skilfully secreted and sent to England. The next February (1851), when the case of Shadrach was pending before G. T. Curtis, a commissioner, a body of colored men forced the door of the court room, and the negro, being taken from the officers, escaped to Canada. President Fillmore at once issued a proclamation, directing the army and navy to co-operate in enforcing the law. Then followed the trials of persons accused of assisting the rescue, who were defended by John P. Hale and R. H. Dana, Jr.; but one or two dissenting jurors prevented verdicts against them. Webster, as Secretary of State, took a personal interest in having the law executed in Boston, and assumed the direction of the prosecutions, although it properly belonged to the Attorney-G
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 6
the renewal in any form of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp 348, 349. Among the signers were Howell Cobb, H. S. Foote, A. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, and J. B. Thompson. The only Whig member from New England who signed this paper was Samuel A. Eliot, of Boston. Mr. Appleton, his successor, alone of the Massachusetts delegation, voted that the Compromise, including the Fugitive Slave law, was a final and permanent settlement. April 5, 1852. vol. II. pp. 473, 474. He voted April 11 against excluding the admission of California from the Compromise, a week after he had expressed himself in debate as in favor of her admission independently. This vote, in which he stood alone among New England senators, prevented the exclusion of California from the Compromise, and delayed by some months her admission. Boston Atlas, April 16, 1850. He supported the Texas boundary bill, putting forth as his chief ground for yielding to the pretensio
Capon Springs (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
gious thought—when, with an air of lofty contempt, he assailed the belief that human laws are to be tested, and their obligations finally determined, by the supreme moral law. Webster's Works, vol. II. p. 582; vol. VI. p. 578. He said at Capon Springs, Va., June, 1850 (Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 516): And when nothing else will answer, they invoke religion and speak of a higher law. Gentlemen, this North Mountain is high; the Blue Ridge higher still; the Alleghany higher than eion should have seen the danger ahead and forewarned his countrymen. And not only this, but so far did he go in the Southern direction,—forgetting all he had said in behalf of a Union and government one and indivisible,—that in his speech at Capon Springs, Va., he dallied with the doctrine of secession, and discharged the South from the compact if the North deliberately disregarded the obligation to surrender fugitive slaves, using language not unlike that of the secession orators of 1860 and <
Creole (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
n the Senate, March 7, 1850, in favor of the Compromise measures, was a surprise to the people of Massachusetts. It was in conflict with the principles they had uniformly maintained, as well as with his general course as the representative of the State. See Sumner's letter to John Bigelow, May 22, 1850, post, p. 215. Still, Webster's efforts in Massachusetts in 1846 and 1847 to prevent slavery becoming the main political issue, and his lukewarm censures of the Mexican War, as well as his Creole letter of an earlier period, had already weakened Sumner's confidence in him. Longfellow was hardly surprised at the speech of March 7. He wrote in his journal, March 9, 1850: Yet what has there been in Webster's life to lead us to think that he would take any high moral ground on this slavery question? He was not, like Clay, the natural supporter of compromise. he wrote July 21, 1848: You need not fear that I shall vote for any compromises, or do anything inconsistent with the past. Cu
Wilson, N. C. (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
illions of dollars for territory which did not belong to her, and an excessive amount even if her title had been good; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. pp. 279-282. Giddings's speech, Aug. 12, 1850, Speeches in Congress, p. 403tion to the territories acquired from Mexico, whose fate was again in question. Lodge's Life of Webster, pp. 292, 321; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. p. 241; G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 307, note. He now annos, vol. II. pp. 560, 577, 578. He spoke of the city of Syracuse as that laboratory of abolitionism, libel, and treason. Wilson's Rise and Fall, vol. II. p. 361. In the Senate he paused in his argument to pay compliments to Calhoun, Mason, and the as to the imprisonment of Northern colored seamen in Southern ports were inserted in the speech after it was delivered. Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. p. 245. In the tone and spirit of what he said, even more than in the s
North Mountain (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
like his former self—for he was by nature and early habit inclined to religious thought—when, with an air of lofty contempt, he assailed the belief that human laws are to be tested, and their obligations finally determined, by the supreme moral law. Webster's Works, vol. II. p. 582; vol. VI. p. 578. He said at Capon Springs, Va., June, 1850 (Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 516): And when nothing else will answer, they invoke religion and speak of a higher law. Gentlemen, this North Mountain is high; the Blue Ridge higher still; the Alleghany higher than either; and yet this higher law ranges farther than an eagle's flight above the highest peaks of the Alleghany [laughter]. No common vision can discern it; no conscience not transcendental and ecstatic can feel it; the hearing of common men never listens to its high behests. Here, as on other points, there was a bitterness and even coarseness in his language altogether uncongenial with the repose which was his when he spoke
Utah (Utah, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
r title had been good; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. pp. 279-282. Giddings's speech, Aug. 12, 1850, Speeches in Congress, p. 403 and note. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp. 314, 315. (2) territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico without the Wilmot Proviso; (3) a new fugitive-slave law, with novel and extraordinary provisions, which disregarded humane and Christian sentiments and set aside immemorial presumptions and safeguards of personal liberty; and (4) ttes. The territorial legislature of New Mexico in 1859 established slavery. Von Holst, vol. III. p. 500, note. Not content with assumptions and with votes against the prohibition, He voted, June 5, 1850, against applying the prohibition to Utah and New Mexico, when moved by Seward. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 382, 383. he undertook to belittle it by arts of speech, by offensive and disparaging epithets. In his first public statement of his new position, and in later speeches and appe
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
of 1850.—Mr. Webster. The discovery of gold mines in California contemporaneously with the cession of that territory froation, the character of the emigration then flowing into California assured for her a majority of free State citizens. The slavery in the territories, or even of the admission of California with her free State constitution. In Mississippi, Gov had been an obstruction, as he desired the admission of California independently, and not as part of a scheme or bargain; aainst each other. See Boston Republican, June 27, 1850. California being entitled by all precedents to admission without an in antagonism with President Taylor's plan of admitting California as a State independently, as she had a right to be admit74. He voted April 11 against excluding the admission of California from the Compromise, a week after he had expressed himsee among New England senators, prevented the exclusion of California from the Compromise, and delayed by some months her admi
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