Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for November 24th or search for November 24th in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
e left us Whigs. . . . But I do not mean that political distinctions shall in any degree affect my personal friendships. Two clocks never agree. . . So too with you, my warm—Hearted but, politically considered, most erring friend. I mean to love you on to the end. . . I sigh over you, whose early studies and generous aspirations and English connections and Judge Story's example had, I fondly hoped, confirmed in conservative bonds and good old Whig tendencies and opinions. And again, November 24:— I have no doubt but that you are influenced, in the main, by generous and noble motives; and if there is a tinge of earth about you, I sincerely believe you are not conscious of it. . . In the mean time I will do you the justice to say that in your future career (which may be a very triumphant one, for you have very many of the elements of popular enthusiasm and democratic energy with you) you will never do anything mean or cowardly or cruel. You will be a Barnave or a Vergniaud
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
others; and indeed Sumner deserved the criticism. One who accepts office from a party, and is in harmony with its policy, owes to it in all exigent seasons the support of his voice and name. If at a critical moment his ability, eloquence, character, and official prestige are thought necessary to save it, they should be available for the purpose. The full reason for Sumner's reserve does not appear even now. His letter to citizens of Nantucket, Dated November 5. Boston Commonwealth, November 24. written after the election, ascribes it to other engagements, pursuit of health, and additional constraint since Webster's death,—reasons which alone are not quite satisfactory. Another and better explanation is to be found in his nature, and in his view of a public man's position. He had recently spoken at length. Nothing fresh had come to his mind, and he did not care to repeat what he had recently said. Unlike many extemporaneous speakers at the bar, in the pulpit, and on the hust
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
f slavery had obstructed the organization of the Territory at the preceding session. That journal gave a warning of their purpose to make it a slave State, Oct. 24, Nov. 5, and Dec. 31, 1853. The earliest letters Sumner received in relation to Douglas's bill were from John Jay, Jan. 16, 1854, and from Henry Wilson, January 18. Con as Everett's successor in the Senate. Boston Advertiser, November 8, December 28; Atlas, October 28; Journal, October 27; Springfield Republican, October 24, November 10. They admitted, however, partial defeat as the worst result that was probable, and were, as well as nearly all outsiders. astounded at the result. The KIt is an interesting monograph on Sharp's life and work and the memorable judicial transaction in which he bore the most conspicuous part. Mrs. Seward wrote, November 24, of the lecture, addressing him, as always, Dear Charles Sumner:— The elevated tone of its moral teaching cannot fail to do good, though this result may n
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
achusetts gave him nearly seventy thousand plurality, and nearly fifty thousand majority over the combined votes for Buchanan and Fillmore. Burlingame was re-elected by a very small majority over William Appleton, who was supported by the rump of the Whig party, which voted for Fillmore for President, and by others who for various reasons were unfriendly to Burlingame. It was thought that the enthusiasm aroused by Sumner's reception turned the scale in his favor. He received a banquet, November 24, in Faneuil Hall, where a letter was read from Sumner. The Legislature was Republican with few exceptions, and Sumner's re-election was assured. The vote for Fremont was a moral victory even in defeat. The consolidation of the free States, with five exceptions, foreshadowed as certain at no distant time a united North. One who bore an active part in the conflict has written: No Presidential contest had ever so touched the popular heart, or so lifted up and ennobled the people by the