Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for April 7th or search for April 7th in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ng out ships in our harbors to cruise for gain! At all events, let the country disdain to be sneaked into a war. If I wished for a guide in a system of neutrality, I should take that laid down by America, etc. Pray avert this result. Again, April 7:— I have passed an anxious and unhappy week; for all the signs are of war, more surely than in the time of the Trent. I have read Lord Russell's letters. They are bad and mischievous, and seem intended to provoke. I must believe that thof England will disappear next, and this world of ours will be turned topsy-turvy. Whatever may be the vicissitudes, I am sure that freedom must prevail. And this is my consolation as I cast this gloomy horoscope. To the Duchess of Argyll, April 7: He had written the duchess a full letter, March 24, on the progress of the war, and the Confederate cruisers which were being fitted out in England.— Just as I was about to write to you, I am gladdened by your letter of 19th March, whi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
II. pp. 98-130. In connection with the last subject he replied to some of the points which had been made by English critics, and restated his views of the circumstances which justify a recognition of belligerency in a conflict between an established government and revolted sections or bodies. The most interesting passage of the speech related to Canada,—the cession of which had been suggested as a compensation for our claims. New York Herald, Feb. 13, 1869; New York Tribune, Feb. 22 and April 7. Joseph Medill, of the Chicago Tribune, in a letter to Sumner, Dec. 2, 1868, urged that the acquisition was the only adequate solution,—suggesting also the payment of one or two hundred millions of dollars to Great Britain, in order to save the point of pride on her part. While regarding the future union of Canada with the United States as an appointed destiny, it must come, such was his thought, by a peaceful process, with the consent of her people. He closed with a description of the re
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
ates did not apply to San Domingo, which it was not proposed to admit as a State. In Senate, Dec. 20 and 21, 1870. Thurman, Congressional Globe, pp. 193, 250; Davis, Ibid., p. 195; Bayard, Ibid., p. 226. This idea of recurring to an act which had been repudiated as a precedent in the change of American opinion on the extension of slavery came from General Butler, who at the last session, when the approval of the treaty by the Senate seemed improbable, tried on nine different days April 6, 7, 9, 11, 13, 20; May 12; June 1, 14. The New York Herald approved the method, April 8 and July 1, 1870. without success to introduce a joint resolution for the acquisition of San Domingo. Such a measure from such a quarter was no occasion of surprise, as its author was in full accord with the pro-slavery policy of the Democratic party at the time of the annexation of Texas, and had so recently as 1860 supported the nomination of Jefferson Davis and the candidacy of Breckinridge. During th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
uld not be taken up in the House without & two-thirds vote. It will be hard to find in our history parallels to such pertinacity as Sumner's repeated efforts to carry his civil-rights bill at this session. Sumner reported from the committee on the District of Columbia a bill to secure equality of rights in schools in the District, and to abolish separate colored schools in it; but notwithstanding his repeated efforts to obtain a vote upon it, he did not succeed. April 17. 18; May 2, 4, 6, 7; Congressional Globe, pp. 2484, 2539, 2540, 2985, 3056, 3057, 3099, 3124. Sumner's distinction as the tribune of the colored people deserves emphasis in this connection. Others saw the evil of slavery, and did their best to extirpate it; others saw in the enfranchised slaves a political force, possibly a decisive one in national elections, and then, as later, they devised means to promote and protect their rights as voters; but Sumner alone and at all times insisted on their equal title t