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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
fe, vol. II. pp. 355-361. The Duchess of Sutherland evidently wrote with the same thought her letter to Seward, Dec. 8, 1861. Seward's Life, vol. III. p. 32. Cobden, however, took him less seriously, thinking him a kind of American Thiers or Palmerston or Russell, talking to Bunkum. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. p. 38Cobden, vol. II. p. 386. The Duke of Argyll, a member of the British cabinet, the only member altogether sympathetic with our cause, wrote to Sumner as early as June 4, 1861:— I write a few lines very earnestly to entreat that you will use your influence and official authority to induce your government, and especially Mr. Seward, to act in a mored of the body which on foreign relations is able to control the government, because I know how anxious you will be to be just and considerate in your dealings. Cobden expressed the same confidence in Sumner in his letter to Lieut.-Colonel Fitzmayer, Dec. 3, 1861. Life, pp. 386, 387. I only wish you had been in Seward's place.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
on. Three fourths of the House of Commons, as Cobden wrote, will be glad to find an excuse for votient of the great republic. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 388-390. He wrote to Bright, Deed Cobden of Seward's pacific disposition, but Cobden was distrustful. Morley's Life of Cobden, volCobden, vol. II. pp. 386, 391. While the matter was pending the senator was almost daily with the President, ae letters he had just received from Bright and Cobden concerning the capture. Nicolay and Hay's L the abolition of commercial blockades,—one of Cobden's favorite ideas. Works, vol. VI. pp. 216, 217; Letters of Cobden to Sumner (Mss.), Dec. 6 and 12, 1861; Jan. 23. 1862. The speech met with e all that you can, I do not doubt, and so has Cobden. On my part I have tried. Your letter, and also Cobden's, I showed at once to the President, who is much moved and astonished by the English intdeed without a name. God bless you.! To Mr. Cobden, December 31:— I cannot thank you enou[1 more...]<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
and then handing one to the visitor) from his miscellaneous correspondents,—Cobden, Bright, and the Duchess of Argyll; a dozen or twenty faithful friends who wrote of affairs in Massachusetts; old Abolitionists in all parts of the country, well known or obscure,—indeed, from thousands of all conditions who had thoughts and anxieties which they wished some one in Washington to share. He was the only public man in Washington who had a European correspondence of any public value. Bright and Cobden, almost our only two friends of eminence in England, reported to him drifts of opinion important to be known by our government, and gave sincere counsels as to what it was best for us to do. The Duchess of Argyll, reflecting the views of the duke, then in the Cabinet, did the same. These letters as soon as received were read to the President and his advisers, and were most useful in guiding their action. To these three correspondents he wrote often and most earnestly,—maintaining, spite o<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
she was the only mourner. Sumner wrote to Mr. Cobden, March 16, 1863:— I am anxious, very ahe God-speed of all who hate slavery! To Mr. Cobden, April 26:— I see but one course for E no prove equal to so high a command. To Mr. Cobden, May 19:— There seems to be a better fod opportunities. Pray, announce his visit to Cobden and Forster. He is amiable, social, and true by T. Rogers, vol. i. pp. 194, 195, 224, 225. Cobden wrote to Sumner, Feb. 12, 1862: I hardly know thinks you can put down the rebellion. See Cobden's letter to Paulton, January, 1862, in Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. p. 390. Cobden at first had leanings towards the South, influenced by hin manuscript, July 11, 1862. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. p. 401. The Duke of Argyll wrote Su was the steady support which John Bright, Richard Cobden, and William E. Forster gave to the Americn the part of certain English leaders,—Bright, Cobden, and Forster in Parliament, and Spurgeon, Newm[13 more.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
— I have just received the Manchester Examiner, containing the speeches at Rochdale, By Cobden and Bright. which I have read gratefully and admiringly. Cobden's positive testimony must tell Cobden's positive testimony must tell for us; and let me add that I like him the better the nearer he gets to the position that recognition is a moral impossibility. If this were authoritatively declared, the case would soon be closed. rs of England from the Northern cause in the great crisis of the struggle. Sumner wrote to Mr. Cobden, September 18:— Bear witness that I have never been over-confident of sudden success. Ire Goldwin Smith and Prof. Henry W. Torrey, —the latter writing with the signature of Privatus. Cobden, in the last letter but one which he wrote to Sumner, objected to his use of England's old doingcomings; and thought the vessel should have been promptly returned to Brazil. (Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 459, 460.) The vessel went to the bottom in Hampton Roads shortly after in a col
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
r studied us more. I commend him to you and Mr. Cobden. To Lieber, February 18:— The Presblic journals and some of his correspondents—Mr. Cobden among them-took note of the event as connectre can make me indifferent to the death of Richard Cobden, who was my personal friend and the friendhe chords of justice. I do not doubt that Richard Cobden will be placed very soon among England's g Works, vol. IX. pp. 498, 499. A friend of Cobden, who had introduced Sumner to him many years b April 5 of the same year, gave an account of Cobden's last days and an estimate of his character. Cobden's last letter Extracts from the two letters preceding the last from Mr. Cobden, dated AMr. Cobden, dated Aug. 18, 1864, and Jan. 11, 1865, may be found in Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 446, 459. toCobden, vol. II. pp. 446, 459. to Sumner was written March 2, just one month before his death. He wrote:— I feel it a pleasantdulge the feelings of a triumphant general. Cobden wrote, Aug. 18, 1864: I heartily congratulate [4 more...
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
ished that each could have appropriated some of the mental qualities of the other. Sumner's monograph, entitled Prophetic Voices concerning America, Works, vol. XII. pp. 1-183. appeared in the Atlantic Monthly for September, 1867,—a collection of the predictions in relation to our country and continent, mostly from foreigners, gathered from time to time in a wide range of reading, beginning with those which antedated the discovery by Columbus, and ending with those of Tocqueville and Cobden, each one accompanied with a sketch of its author. He was led to the research by his conception of a republic with limits as wide as the continent. His love of books-always a passion with him—drew him to such diversions from public anxieties. He delighted not only in fresh volumes, but also in old and rare and forgotten books, and in tracing out those who gave them to the world. This habit, contracted in youth, began with his Characters of Lawyers and Judges, Ante, vol. i. p. 124. and
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
letters, and I now employ my last moments before leaving for Boston to keep alive our correspondence. Events have been in more active than any pens, whether in England or the United States. I watch with constant interest the increasing strength of the liberal cause, and look forward to its accession to power with you as home secretary, at least, if you choose to enter a cabinet. Mr. Bright became in December, 1868, President of the Board of Trade in Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet. I remember Mr. Cobden thought that you and he ought never to take a cabinet place; but this opinion was founded on the public sentiment of his day. Would that he were now alive to enjoy the prodigious change! Meanwhile, we too have had our vicissitudes. The President is still in office, but checked and humbled. His removal seemed inevitable; he was saved by the delays of the trial. Grant will be his successor; of this I cannot doubt. I am happy to be able to assure you that repudiation is dead in all its
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
th the goodwill of the mother country and the accord of both parties. It was his permanent conviction that without the union of North America under one dominion disputes as to fisheries and jurisdiction would perpetually recur. He believed with Cobden and Bright that that union was a certain destiny, and was to come without war, with the assent of both countries and of the colonists themselves. The event proved not to be so near as he thought; but it seemed to him that the time had come to te) The security of private property at sea, not contraband of war, in conformity with the amendment proposed by the United States to the Declaration of Paris; (2) The abolition of commercial blockades, a measure which had been greatly desired by Mr. Cobden; (3) The denial of a national or belligerent character to vessels not holding a commission given at a port in the actual occupation of the commissioning government,—a provision which was in accordance with his view of ocean belligerency, and to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
e, which was large and inspiring. Hamlin objected to Logan's motion for the admission of ladies to the Senate chamber, which had been allowed on previous days. He was at the time very bitter against Sumner. The next day he spoke briefly. February 29. Congressional Globe, pp. 1292-1295. He defended himself against the charge of having taken an unpatriotic position, contending that it was his supreme duty to keep his country right, and pointing for examples under like circumstances to Cobden and Bright at the time of our Civil War, and to Fox and Burke at the time of our Revolution. This point was much pressed against Sumner, even by some generally friendly to him. New York Independent, Feb. 22, 1872. His preamble with his consent was laid on the table, and the resolution itself was passed by a large majority, only five votes being given in the negative. To the partisan bitterness of the Administration senators there were some exceptions. Harlan said of Sumner that he was
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