Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Caleb Cushing or search for Caleb Cushing in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
slaveholding States. The identification of the Democratic party with the slaveholding interest for a long period had poisoned the minds of many of the Democratic leaders at the North. Treasonable sentiments were uttered by Franklin Pierce, Caleb Cushing, Fernando Wood, Horatio Seymour, and Chancellor Walworth; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 388-393, 512. Cushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, and denied the righCushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, and denied the right of the government to coerce the seceders. (Boston Post, November 27, 28, 29.) His letter, November 19. justifying the complaints of the seceders is printed in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letter, which reviewed his earlier and better record. New York Tribune, December 26. and Daniel E. Sickles, in his speech in the House, Dec. 10, 1860, set up the city of New York as a barrier against the march of national troops for the maintenan
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
ed by the press and even by publicists, very generally applauded it. Among those who in Massachusetts gave it sanction were Edward Everett, Theophilus Parsons, Caleb Cushing, C. G. Loring, George Sumner, Joel Parker, B. F. Thomas, G. T. Bigelow, R. H. Dana, Jr., Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. p. 259. and the editors of tha and not with his civilian critics. In harmony with his action on these points was his treatment of the question of retaliation, to be referred to hereafter. Caleb Cushing shortly before his death remarked concerning Sumner, that though the protagonist in Congress against slavery, he was the only Republican statesman who adhered Works, vol. VI. pp. 252-289. Bright's offence was the giving of a letter of introduction to Jefferson Davis, March 1, 1861, similar in purport to a letter of Caleb Cushing, which some years later insured his rejection as chief-justice. Sumner disavowed personal feeling, which Bright attributed to him. He treated particularly in
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
er, an investigation very congenial to Sumner. He wrote Lieber, March 17: I go home to work at my report on French spoliations. I am struck by the scrubs of the French Directory; but especially by the magnificent ability of Talleyrand, whose reply to our commissioners is a masterpiece. He was then only a beginner. The report was strongly commended by Reverdy Johnson, who spoke in favor of the printing of extra copies. It called out letters of hearty approval from Edward Everett and Caleb Cushing, who when in Congress, as members of committees, had made reports in favor of the measure. The National Intelligencer of May 17, 1864, described the report as very able and elaborate, and containing a thorough and exhaustive discussion of the question. Among correspondents who expressed their satisfaction with it was James B. Murray, of New York, the last surviving member of a committee appointed in that city fifty years before to urge on Congress the payment of the claims. It stands
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
At this session Congress passed the bill for the revision and consolidation of the statutes of the United States—a measure which Sumner was the first to propose, making the effort at his first session, and keeping it alive by successive resolutions. Ante, vol. III. p. 275; Boston Advertiser, July 9, 1874. Sumner spoke briefly on the codification of the customs laws, July 16, 1866. Congressional Globe, p. 3828. His interest in it continued, but he did not live to see it consummated. Caleb Cushing, appointed at his instance as one of the commissioners to execute the work, sought his counsels as to the best plan, and wrote to him:— I desire at the outset to express my admiration of the catholic and elevated spirit you have manifested in the whole matter, not less than my profound and sincere gratitude for your consideration toward me personally. . . .This being said, I have once for all to request of you the favor of being permitted to consult you as to any general plan of op
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
ister, and Blacque Bey the Turkish minister. Geore William Curtis, while at Washington as chairman of the Civil Service Commission, in June. 1871, though not accepting Sumner's invitation to occupy a room at his house, died with him every day, joining him afterwards in his drive, and the next winter was also almost daily at his house. Members of the diplomatic corps were often at his round table. He was catholic in his relations with men, and his guests were of no one political class. Caleb Cushing was perhaps oftener with him than any one, and William Beach Lawrence, whenever he was in Washington, was invited. In February of his first winter in the house, Charles Dickens, whom he had first known in 1842, dined with him in company with Stanton, when one of the topics was the experience of Sumner and Stanton on the night of Mr. Lincoln's assassination. Feb. 2. 1868. Forster's Life of Dickens, vol. III. p 386: Dickens's Letters, vol. II. pp. 407, 410, 411. Mr. Storey's account
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
enance of his convictions. Sumner wrote to Cushing, July 10, from Boston:— I am obliged by Faithfully your friend, Hamilton Fish. Cushing's skilful hand adjusted the difficulty. Sumniew to conform to the President's wishes. As Cushing, who settled the instructions to suit Sumner,respect responsible. Shortly after breakfast Cushing called, and went from me to the state departmagainst the document as finally settled under Cushing's lead. The senator continued his friendly iritain for her unfriendly course towards us. Cushing wrote to Sumner, June 26:— Mr. Fish dicst evening the attorney-general (E. R. Hoar), Cushing, and Mr. Hunter, etc. There was but one opinig himself already overworked, recommended General Cushing in his place. Mr. Fish adopted his view,arkably able and forcible statement, drawn by Cushing, of which the leading points have already beees came from Mr. Hooper, R. H. Dana, Jr., General Cushing, E. R. Hoar, E. G. Spaulding, Ira Harris,[10 more...]<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
to, and not likely to tempt, European powers. 3. The uncertainty as to the amount of the Dominican debt, which was probably much greater than had been represented. 4. The chronic condition of civil war in San Domingo, and the fresh crop of rebellions which would come from the annexation. 5. The injustice of impairing the predominance of the colored race in the West Indies. To the African, he is reported to have said, belongs the equatorial belt, and he should enjoy it undisturbed. Caleb Cushing wrote, March 25:— You must be gratified to find that all the journals commend your speech on Dominica, especially seeing that these outside opinions are, of course, but the echo of the judgments of senators. J. R. Hawley, late governor of Connecticut, and afterwards senator, wrote from Hartford, March 23:— What little I see concerning your speech on San Domingo greatly pleases me. The course of the government for several years in these matters is demoralizing and dangerou
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
epredations of other ships, which the American government cannot afford to do; nor should the English government expect it, if they would sincerely remove all occasions of difference. If you will not write for the public, then write for me. General Cushing was with me this morning, and agreed against allowing any discrimination in favor of a particular ship. Nothing would please the English more. Sumner was in friendly personal relations with Mr. Fish from the beginning of the session tile he dined with the commissioners, and several times he breakfasted with Earl de Grey. Late in April the senator gave all the members, including Lord Tenterden their secretary, a dinner, when were also present Lady Thornton and Lady Macdonald, Cushing, Thurman, and Hunter, the assistant secretary of state. The next day he gave a quiet dinner to the commissioners only, which allowed a free conference on the pending business. Two weeks later, and perhaps on other days, he had them to dine. H
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
n Paris, who had been his friend from early days in Boston, was most kind, giving Sumner the freedom of his bureau for the packing and transporting of his books and works of art. He had always a seat for the senator at his family table in 152 Avenue des Champs Elysees, and brought together to meet him at a dinner distinguished guests,— among whom were Edouard Laboulaye, A. Laugel, A. H. Bullock, Mr. Waite, afterwards chief-justice, and E. B. Washburne, then American minister to Paris. Caleb Cushing was then in Paris, but his and Sumner's attempts to meet did not succeed. He was, says Mrs. Cowdin, very fond of our children, and particularly of our little Alice, who had so sweet a name, he said. He often congratulated me that we were able to give them the privilege of learning to speak more than one language,—thereby, as he expressed it, multiplying their individuality,—while with him it had been only by brute force that he had learned to speak French. He was often with Governor Bu<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
ed through May, with, however, occasional reminders of weakness at the end of his walks. His daily drives in Washington, never so lovely as in May, were a stimulant to health. Mr. Hooper's horses were at his service. Sometimes he drove to General Cushing's suburban residence, six miles from town. In his drives he was glad to have a sympathetic friend with him. On some of them he invited Mrs. Claflin, wife of Governor Claflin, both always loyal to him. On another he had for his companion on ense of the best people was with him in this protest. R. H. Dana, Jr., wrote: Let me thank you for your letter; it is the wisest thing I have seen—I should not be out of the way to say, the only wise thing I have seen—in the Virginius case. Caleb Cushing wrote: I am delighted to learn through the newspapers that you continue to have the courage of your convictions, and do not cease to be yourself because of the insanity which infects the citizens of New York on the subject of Cuba. Longfell
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