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Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2 1,039 11 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 833 7 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 656 14 Browse Search
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure) 580 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 459 3 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 435 13 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 355 1 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 352 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 333 7 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 330 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Jefferson Davis or search for Jefferson Davis in all documents.

Your search returned 43 results in 10 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
ly after the election was made known, they proceeded actively to consummate their purpose in open and secret measures. On December 15 appeared the address of Jefferson Davis, Benjamin, Slidell, Wigfall, and other leaders of secession in Congress, invoking the Southern people to organize a Southern confederacy; avowing that the prirty in the North were in accord with their pro-slavery leaders, or to know of a certainty how much there was in Franklin Pierce's prediction, in his letter to Jefferson Davis a year before, that the fighting when it came would not be south of Mason and Dixon's line only, but would be also between two classes of citizens at the Nortmbittered by the teachings of Wise and Mason. General Scott says: Since the 2d of January,—yes, sir, since the 2d of January, the President has done well. Jeff. Davis says that but two men in Washington are frightened,—the President and Scott. I enjoyed Andrew's message. At last Massachusetts is herself! Horace Greeley,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
rty for them. Sherman went so far as to say that they acknowledged the right of secession, and he could draw no distinction between them and the doctrines of Jefferson Davis. Willey and Carlile of Virginia, representing border State allegiance, imputed disloyalty to Sumner, and also likened him to Jefferson Davis. He encounteredJefferson Davis. He encountered similar criticism outside of the Senate, as well from some supporters of the Administration as from its opponents. The New York Evening Post, March 13, 1862, wrote an elaborate leader against it. Joel Parker, professor at Cambridge, treated the offer of the resolutions as an act of treason, and more mischievous than open adhesirch 4, 1861. of Missouri and Bright Jan. 21 and Feb. 4, 1862. Works, vol. VI. pp. 252-289. Bright's offence was the giving of a letter of introduction to Jefferson Davis, March 1, 1861, similar in purport to a letter of Caleb Cushing, which some years later insured his rejection as chief-justice. Sumner disavowed personal fee
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ugh had not been said, he returned to the theme again at Newcastle, October 7, when he said: There is no doubt that Jefferson Davis and other leaders of the South have made an army; they are making, it appears, a navy; Supposed to be a referenceon, or some mischief of that kind; but I did not expect that he would step out openly as the defender and eulogist of Jeff. Davis and his fellow-conspirators against God and man. He has spoken, as you will see by the time you receive this; and whatpt. 11, 1863:— It would be curious to have a speech from Gladstone now. Perhaps he is beginning to doubt whether Jeff. Davis has made a nation. There is much cleverness mixed with little wisdom, or much folly, in some men, and our chancellor fe of W. E. Gladstone, chap. III. and his family interest in a West India plantation made him easily the admirer of Jefferson Davis. Sumner delivered, September 10, an address in New York on Our Foreign Relations, in compliance with an invitatio
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
he latter, for the sake of a uniform system, preferred that they should pass away. Henry Winter Davis, Samuel Hooper, and Justin S. Morrill, in the House, supported the Secretary of the Treasury in be maintained, nor which can add to our present embarrassments. Again, May 17:— Winter Davis has just come to press me about his Mexican resolution. Goldwin Smith's pamphlet is excellent. her nomination did not end with the convention. Naturally B. F. Wade, senator, and Henry Winter Davis, representative, were earnest in it; but a large number of public men were in sympathy with them men were present,—Greeley, Parke Godwin of the Evening Post, William Curtis Noyes, Henry Winter Davis, Dr. Lieber, Lieber wrote Sumner, September 16, that he wished Lincoln could know that the peme which found most favor as a substitute. Lieber to Sumner, August 15. According to Lieber, Davis stated at the conference that Mr. Lincoln had said in Corwin's presence that he should be beaten
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
n of a monarchical government may arise. Jefferson Davis, whom he describes as so emaciated and al. Works, vol. IX. pp. 201-205. He replied to Davis of Kentucky, who maintained that the Presidente to a select committee, of which Henry Winter Davis was appointed chairman. Their bill, which camLincoln], who had adjured him to see that Jefferson Davis suffered the extreme penalty, Judge not, mark indicating any desire to punish even Jefferson Davis. When a person of his family said, He muemark may have been intended to apply to Wade, Davis, Stevens, and Sumner; but certainly it did nothe President. Thaddeus Stevens, Henry Winter Davis, and Wade Howard and Wade ascribed the presn of the suffrage; and (2) The execution of Jeff. Davis. I notice the cry for Jeff. Davis in EnglaJeff. Davis in England. This is the present form of sympathy for the rebellion. He does not deserve it. And yet I withey have got over the nonsense of trying Jefferson Davis by a jury. The whole idea has been weak [5 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
see.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a seopposed to him (Sumner among them) on a footing with Davis, Tooombs, and Slidell, and exalted, as was his habit Popular feeling at the time favored a trial of Jefferson Davis for treason, making him an exception among the Sumner, who was opposed altogether to the trial of Davis, questioned such a retroactive provision intended foawrence wrote, Dec. 2, 1871, that on the day of Jefferson Davis's arrest, Sumner said to him that the war havin416. and the third in an In Memorial on Henry Winter Davis, New York Independent, Jan. 11, 1866. Works, vol Both in the speech on Collamer and the article on Davis, emphasis was put on their independence of Executiveon of reconstruction. One passage in the tribute to Davis (Works, vol. x. p. 105) may have been a self-vindice of severe language in the contest with slavery. To Davis, esteemed by many associates the most brilliant man
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
her humble or numerous, embrace them within the protecting arms of the Senate. In the debate on the Tenure-of-office bill and in other debates the impeachment of the President was foreshadowed. A resolution for impeachment was offered in the House, Jan. 14, 1867. Congressional Globe, p. 443. Sumner spoke of him as the enemy of his country, January 17 (Congressional Globe, pp. 525-528). He was called to order by McDougall, but sustained by a vote of the Senate.the successor of Jefferson Davis, in the spirit by which he is governed and in the mischief he is inflicting on his country. January 18 (Congressional Globe, p. 542). Reverdy Johnson, anticipating the course of events, thought that such remarks put Sumner out of the pale of the President's judges, and Howe answered that Johnson's partisanship for the President would impose a similar disability on him. Sumner recurred to the question of a senator's right to speak freely of the President's conduct, notwithstanding
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
d improbable, tried on nine different days April 6, 7, 9, 11, 13, 20; May 12; June 1, 14. The New York Herald approved the method, April 8 and July 1, 1870. without success to introduce a joint resolution for the acquisition of San Domingo. Such a measure from such a quarter was no occasion of surprise, as its author was in full accord with the pro-slavery policy of the Democratic party at the time of the annexation of Texas, and had so recently as 1860 supported the nomination of Jefferson Davis and the candidacy of Breckinridge. During the recess of Congress, busybodies of low or high degree, hoping to gain advantage thereby to themselves, had been doing their best to inflame the President's mind against the senator; and then as always he lent a too ready ear to suggestions unfriendly to those who had thwarted his will. Sumner on arriving in Washington, in December, was assured from various quarters that the President was angry with him, and had even said that but for the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
ess with artistic talent, lad recently been holding up Tweed and other plunderers of the city of New York to public indignation; but those having been disposed of, he turned upon the three senators with the same weapons. His pictures of them had the venom without the wit of caricature; and treating thieves and senators alike, he confounded moral distinctions. His representations of Schurz were the most open to censure, March 9, Mephistopheles. March 23, 30, as Iago. Justices Chase and Davis are caricatured April 6. though those of Sumner were hardly less reprehensible. New York Tribune, March 21, 1872. In his support of the French arms investigation he was made one of The Senatorial Cabal. In another—and this was perhaps a fair hit—he was Robinson Crusoe turning his back on his man Friday. In another, he was kneeling at and placing flowers on the grave of Preston S. Brooks, his assailant in 1856. This brought out a manly outburst from Sumner, who said when told of it, Wha
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 59: cordiality of senators.—last appeal for the Civil-rights bill. —death of Agassiz.—guest of the New England Society in New York.—the nomination of Caleb Cushing as chief-justice.—an appointment for the Boston custom-house.— the rescinding of the legislative censure.—last effort in debate.—last day in the senate.—illness, death, funeral, and memorial tributes.—Dec. 1, 1873March 11, 1874. (search)
ng's name, recalling it five days after it had been sent in. The nominee had run a most eccentric political career,—first a Whig and then a Democrat; a partisan of pro-slavery doctrines; president of the Democratic convention at Charleston in 1860; a supporter of Breckinridge's candidacy the same year, and the author of an inflammatory speech after Mr. Lincoln's election, which was calculated to encourage Southern resistance. Ante, pp. 2, 3. He addressed, March 21, 1861, a letter to Jefferson Davis in favor of a clerk about to join the rebellion, This letter came to light while his nomination was pending, and compelled its withdrawal. similar in purport to the one given by Jesse D. Bright which caused his expulsion from the Senate. His personal as well as political relations with the secessionists ended, however, with the breaking out of the rebellion, and from that time he was not obstructive to the government. He sought at the outset a place in the military service, but fou