Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Frederick Douglass or search for Frederick Douglass in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
clusive jurisdiction of Congress. As in his view there could be no property in man, he preferred to consider the grant of money as a ransom O. A, Brownson thought this term happily chosen. for the slave rather than as compensation to the master. The speech had one defect, which marred its unity,—a diversion from the main topic into a review of white slavery in the Barbary States, covering ground which he traversed some years before in a lecture. Works, vol. i. pp. 383-485. Frederick Douglass wrote to Sumner:— If slavery is really dead in the District of Columbia, and merely waiting for the ceremony of Dust to Dust by the President, to you more than to any other American statesman belongs the honor of this great triumph of justice, liberty, and sound policy. . . . I take nothing from the good and brave men who have co-operated with you. There is or ought to be a head to every body; and whether you will or not, the slaveholder and the slave look to you as the best embo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
864, to Fessenden's imputation in debate that Sumner had instigated its criticisms of himself, and denied that Sumner had any complicity with them. Fessenden so far forgot himself at times as to talk audibly in the Senate while Sumner was speaking. This is stated by another senator, Mr. Conness, in an interview published in the Gold Hill (Colorado) News, and sent by him in a note to Sumner, August 22. 1865. Mr. Conness said, Mr. Fessenden was always snapping at Mr. Sumner in debate. Frederick Douglass, writing to Sumner, Sept. 9, 1869, the day after Mr. Fessenden's death, said: He [Mr. Fessenden] was never just to you, and sometimes I fear intentionally offensive; but now that his chair is vacant, and his voice silent in the Senate, you must remember with satisfaction your forbearance towards him and your freedom from bitter retort when his words and bearing seemed to invite other treatment. The unpleasant scene, lasting for some minutes, was closed by Sherman, who recalled the Sena
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
eople yet taken a practical interest in reconstruction. Sumner's chief congratulations came therefore from the distinctively antislavery men—such as Wendell Phillips, Parker Pillsbury, F. W. Bird, F. B. Sanborn, Rev. George B. Cheever, and Frederick Douglass. A letter from the writer, March 4, who little thought then of his future connection with the memory of the statesman, said:— God bless you a thousand times for your indomitable resistance to the admission of Louisiana, with her caste system! This afternoon some forty gentlemen dined at Bird's room, A Republican club, composed mostly of radical antislavery men, which dined on Saturdays in Boston. and all, nemine dissentiente, approved it, and with full praise. Frederick Douglass wrote from Rochester, April 29:— The friends of freedom all over the country have looked to you and confided in you, of all men in the United States Senate, during all this terrible war. They will look to you all the more now that peace d<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
iew the whole subject of reconstruction in a speech of four hours, divided between two successive days. Works, vol. x. pp. 119-237. The public interest in it was as great on the second as on the first day. The seats of the senators were filled; members of the House occupied the sofas or were standing in the lobbies; the galleries were densely crowded. Looking down on the scene as spectators most interested were a considerable number of the race for whom he was pleading, among them Frederick Douglass and Rev. H. H. Garnett. Before the senator was the friendly face of Mr. Pomeroy, who was filling the chair of the Vice-President. The audience listened to a discourse rather than a speech; but the solemn earnestness of the speaker and his fascinations of style, voice, and presence held them to the end. Rarely, if ever, did he make a deeper impression in the Senate or awaken a wider interest in the country. At the outset he subjected the proposed amendment to criticism, being strictl
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
and offensive in that of Nebraska. Dec. 14, 19, 1866; Jan. 8, 1867. Works, vol. x. pp. 504-523. Sumner reminded him that, being a new senator, he did not know that almost his own first effort in the Senate was for the promotion of the interests of the people of that State in a donation of public lands. The debate, after going on for five days, was interrupted by the holiday season, and came on again Jan. 8, 1867. Sumner was busy in the mean time in stirring up by letters To Frederick Douglass, G. T. Downing. Gerrit Smith, F. W. Bird, and C. W. Slack. an agitation against the proposed inequality. The same field of controversy was traversed again. The binding force of fundamental conditions after the State's admission was treated at length. Howard thought he had made a good point on Sumner by offsetting the Massachusetts exclusion of ignorant voters against the Nebraska exclusion of colored persons. Cowan dismissed with levity the idea of political equality,—resorting
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
ny semblance of antagonism to his friend the senator; but Dr. Howe was less considerate in this respect. The commission sailed Jan. 18, 1871, accompanied y Frederick Douglass, General Sigel, and several editors. They remained in San Domingo or its waters from January 23 to February 28, being engaged about five weeks in their obsnd to become a fractional Hart of our republic. I regard it as a mercenary, land-grabbing speculation of the worst type. Yours for sturdy uprightness. Frederick Douglass, writing Jan. 6, 1871, while he objected to Sumner's direct references to the President, paid a tribute to the senator for what he had done to his oppressede gallery, where voice, manner, and action united to give it force and effect. It was a surprise at the time, and the mystery has never been explained, how Mr. Douglass was afterwards brought to the support of a scheme involving the extinction of one, if not two, republics founded by his race. The mystery is all the greater,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
in his newspaper against renowned patriots and philanthropists, Channing, Birney, Father Mathew, Louis Kossuth, and Frederick Douglass,—being by habit always more bitter towards those who believed in his aims but not in his methods. Though in recent pp. 202-204. To one of the San Domingo commissioners he wrote an open letter concerning the discrimination against Frederick Douglass on account of his race while associated with them, which brought out a reply. August 10; Ibid., pp. 205-208. DouDouglass was, apparently by no fault of the commissioners, not allowed a place with them at the supper table on a Potomac steamer, and was not invited to dine in company with them at the White House. Holland's Life of Douglass, pp. 324, .325. Appeals wDouglass, pp. 324, .325. Appeals were made to him from political leaders (Samuel J. Randall among them), and by Southern men, to make addresses in different States; but he was obliged by ill health to decline the service. While still at Washington he received a note from Longfellow,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
t is published in the former's Life by F. W. Palfrey, pp. 246-248. and Joseph Tucker, each of whom lost a leg in battle; A. B. Underwood, severely wounded at Wauhatchie and maimed for life; Charles Francis Adams, Jr., who led the colored troops into Richmond, the first to enter the Confederate capital; and Henry S. Russell, who served in Libby prison as well as in the field. The petitioners were supported by an appeal from other States, in which Chief-Justice Chase, William C. Bryant, Frederick Douglass, Gerrit Smith, and Governor Noyes of Ohio joined. A remonstrance was sent in, but it contained few signatures, and those not of persons well known in the State. The committee on federal relations, to which the petitions were referred, gave public hearings. At the first one, Ex-Governor William Claflin, who opened the case briefly for the petitioners, was followed by Ex-Governor Emory Washburn the jurist, and by Rev. James Freeman Clarke. An erroneous statement is made in the R
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 59: cordiality of senators.—last appeal for the Civil-rights bill. —death of Agassiz.—guest of the New England Society in New York.—the nomination of Caleb Cushing as chief-justice.—an appointment for the Boston custom-house.— the rescinding of the legislative censure.—last effort in debate.—last day in the senate.—illness, death, funeral, and memorial tributes.—Dec. 1, 1873March 11, 1874. (search)
in brief absences, and often in his room, were H. L. Pierce, Judge Hoar, Schurz, Hooper, and Poore. Many waited in the study,—among whom were observed Mr. Blaine (the Speaker), Senators Morrill of Vermont and Windom, Montgomery Blair, and Frederick Douglass; and in the same room the chaplain of the Senate read passages from the fourteenth chapter of Saint John's Gospel, and offered a prayer. To Johnson and the two colored friends, who were raising him and changing his position, the senator exa day rare even for March in its bleakness, the funeral services were held in the Senate chamber at midday. The procession, moving from the senator's home in the morning, was led by a body of colored people on foot, at the head of whom was Frederick Douglass. The immediate guard in charge from the police of the Capitol was made up in part of that race. The body lay for some hours in the rotunda, where thousands, only a part of those who pressed for admission, took their last view of it. It wa