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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
s later (Globe, pp. 733, 734) he referred to Sumner's chronic difficult about adjournments. Similar pressure from Sumner, with similar resistance from other senators who recalled his uniform position on the suspension of business, will be found in the record of later sessions (June 25, 1864, Globe, p. 3263; July 2, 1864, Works, vol. IX. pp. 55-63; July 26, 1866, Globe, pp. 4166, 4167; Dec. 14, 1868, Globe, p. 68; Dec. 15, 1869; May 5, 6, and 20, 1870, Globe, pp. 137, 3239, 3274, 3277, 3658; Feb 15, 1871, Globe, p. 1262). Thurman's tribute, April 27, 1874 (Globe, p. 3400), referred to Sumner's high estimate of the effect of full discussion. His persistence in opposing a limitation of the session, even under the oppressive heat of the summer, brought him sometimes into collision with senators who, though not laggards, took a less exacting view of official duty, or who thought, sometimes quite rightly, that enough had already been done, and what remained would ripen for better action
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
hat body, in an address to his neighbors, which was widely read, came earnestly to the support of the President's action, and contested as unconstitutional any attempt of Congress to make suffrage for the colored people a condition precedent in the restoration of the rebel States. July 4, at Pittsfield. (Springfield Republican, July 19.) This journal agreed fully with Mr. Dawes's view, and sustained President Johnson, June 12. Mr. Dawes had taken the same position in a speech in the House, Feb 20, 1865. Among public men not in Congress, journalists and other leaders of public opinion, Sumner's cause found little support. Governor Morton of Indiana denounced it before the people, and took issue directly with the senator. Julian's Political Recollections, pp. 260-268. George W. Julian at once replied to Morton in the Indiana True Republican, and also in speeches. Governor Andrew of Massachusetts felt assured of the President's honesty of purpose, and advised co-operation with
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
ent to give his vote, having left the Senate at midnight, not deeming it important to remain merely to swell the large and ascertained majority which the bill was destined to receive. His absence was a subject of comment in subsequent debates. Feb 19, 1867, Congressional Globe, p. 1563; Jan. 21 and Feb. 10, 1870, Globe, pp. 638, 640, 1182-1184; Works, vol. XI. p. 105; vol. XIII. pp. 303-330. He was ill and worn out, and the result had been determined by a caucus of senators, who comprehen the senator from Massachusetts steps out boldly, declares his doctrine, and then he is approached [reproached?], and finally he governs. He referred probably to his remarks, June 24, 1864. Doolittle's remarks (June 6, 1868, Globe. p. 2898, and Feb 9, 1869. Globe. p. 1031) were to the same effect. During the debates on reconstruction and suffrage, Sumner's style of treating his Republican opponents was not altogether agreeable to them. He had an insight into the rebellion which they ha
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
592, 953, 1013, 1049, 1208-1211, 1253-1255). Among subjects which he treated in debate were the proposed removal of the remains of soldiers from the Arlington cemetery, Dec. 13, 1870 (Works, vol. XIV. pp. 86-88), which he opposed (for this effort Nast sent with his autograph to the senator his picture in Harper's Weekly, Jan. 14, 1871); transportation of supplies in national vessels to France and Germany for the relief of those who had been impoverished in the war between the two countries, Feb 4, 1871 (Works, vol. XIV. pp. 151, 152); abolition of the discrimination of color in the public schools of the District of Columbia, Feb. 8, 1871 (Works, vol. XIV. pp. 153-163),—Dec. 5 and 8, 1870, and Jan. 24, 1871 (Globe, pp. 2, 3, 39, 687); emblems on coins, Jan. 10, 1871 (Globe, p. 399); the death of John Covode, member of Congress, to whom he paid a tribute, commending his opposition to outside and disturbing questions calculated to distract and divide, Feb. 10, 1871 (Works, vol. XIV.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
vement at an early stage would have placed him at its head. It is not likely—though an opinion on such a matter can be little better than conjecture—that he would have proved the best candidate. His character and fame would surely have attracted a large body of voters hitherto Republican; he might, and probably would, have carried Massachusetts; but his name would not, as was to be expected, have found favor with Southern Democrats, whose undivided support was essential. New York Herald, Feb 3, 1872. Andrew Johnson signified his opposition to Sumner as a candidate (Chicago Tribune, Dec. 7, 1871). Though always friendly at heart to that section, he had seemed otherwise in his policy of reconstruction; and he was at the time pushing the civil equality of negroes in a way not at all agreeable to Southern people. Northern Democrats of the Bourbon type could not easily accept as leader one with whom they had been long in controversy. He himself did not seek the nomination, or expre