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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
ch at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, and denied the right of the government to coerce the seceders. (Boston Post, November 27, 28, 29.) His letter, November 19. justifying the complaints of the seceders is printed in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letter, which reviewed his earlier and better record. New York Tribune, December 26. and Daniel E. Sickles, in his speech in the House, Dec. 10, 1860, set up the city of New York as a barrier against the march of national troops for the maintenance of the Union. Journals of great influence, notably the New York Herald and Albany Argus, stimulated the conspiracy with harangues which justified the seceders and denied to the government the right to reduce them to submission by force. Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 395, 396. James Gordon Bennett's later change of front is described in Thurlow Weed's Memoir, vol. I. pp. 616-618. As soon as the sec
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
he spoke forcibly against a final adjournment until the public business was completed, pointing out that Congress was by several weeks short of the limit which it was accustomed to reach when members were paid by the day instead of by the year. July 12 (Works, vol. VII. pp. 176-179). He had made similar remarks May 22 (Congressional Globe, p. 2225). The New York Evening Post, June 7, 1862, had an article of the same tenor. In declining an invitation to attend a public meeting in the city of New York, he said, A senator cannot leave his place more than a soldier. July 14, 1862. Works, vol. VII. pp. 180, 181. It has often occurred in the Senate,—and it occurred many times during this session, in which the duties of patriotism were most exacting,—that it was obliged to adjourn for want of a quorum, or for want of the attendance of a sufficient number to make its action decisive. Sumner's vacant chair, while he was in health, was never an obstruction to public business. Agai
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
take kindly to Sumner's resistance to his bill; and their strenuous contention against each other's views at this time throws light on Grimes's later criticisms on Sumner. As soon as the bill had been approved Seward sought to put it into effect, and prepared forms and regulations for the purpose. Sumner thought it so fraught with mischief that he continued his resistance by a direct appeal to the President and members of his Cabinet, by an open letter to the Board of Trade of the city of New York, March 17, 1863. Works, vol. VII. pp. 313-315. and by prompting leaders in the Tribune and Evening Post of that city, as also in the National Intelligencer. He remained in Washington for some weeks after the session closed, largely for the purpose of arresting proceedings under the act. In his appeals to the President, repeated at short intervals, he was fortified by letters from John Bright and the American banker in London, Joshua Bates. In a letter to R. Schleiden. March 16,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
en, and that another ticket was necessary to save the cause from utter overthrow, naming three generals from whom a choice might be made,—Grant, Sherman, and Butler. Among others active in the movement were Richard Smith, the veteran editor, and Whitelaw Reid, both of Cincinnati. A large number of letters of public men written at the time to John Austin Stevens, and published in the New York Sun, June 30, 1889, throw light on the movement. Republican conferences were held in the city of New York for the purpose of making a change: one at D. D. Field's house, August 14, where representative men were present,—Greeley, Parke Godwin of the Evening Post, William Curtis Noyes, Henry Winter Davis, Dr. Lieber, Lieber wrote Sumner, September 16, that he wished Lincoln could know that the people were to vote not for him but against McClellan. and twenty or more besides. It was agreed that a committee should request Mr. Lincoln to withdraw, and Grant was the name which found most fav
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
country when founded, as they believed, on morals and equity, beyond the impartial judgment of arbitrators,—beyond what in the end they themselves accepted as a reasonable adjustment. If a severer standard is to be applied, a list of distinguished publicists must come under condemnation. An insurrection in Cuba was in progress when the President entered on his term, and Spain was engaged in the effort to suppress it. It had a considerable support in this country, particularly in the city of New York. Rawlins, Secretary of War, became an active partisan of the insurgents, and made every effort to embroil the country in intervention in their behalf. His complicity with them brought him under suspicion of being affected by other than public motives. Badean states that men high in position and public estimation accepted these bonds [of the Cuban insurgents], and afterwards advocated the recognition of Cuban independence. Grant in Peace, p. 234. His close relations with the Presi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
s's) Sumner, Schurz, and Trumbull with fairness, went beyond the limits of decency in its pictorial exhibitions. Nast, whose caricatures mingled coarseness with artistic talent, lad recently been holding up Tweed and other plunderers of the city of New York to public indignation; but those having been disposed of, he turned upon the three senators with the same weapons. His pictures of them had the venom without the wit of caricature; and treating thieves and senators alike, he confounded moraior intelligence, keenly sensitive to the low standards of character in public officials then prevalent, and to the demoralization ensuing on the Civil War, manifest particularly in the service at Washington and in the federal offices in the city of New York. It is curious to note how cordially leaders and masses alike were welcomed back to the old fold, and how many of them became again in high favor with the party which they then left. Among them, in New York, were Frank Hiscock, senator in
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
memorandum on Archdeacon Walter Mapes, an English writer of the time of Henry II. July 23. New York Evening Post, July 25. The seizure of the Virginius by the Spanish authorities in Cuba, with the summary execution of a large number of men on board, on the ground that, though flying the American colors, she was on her way to assist the insurgents in that island, was made the pretence of indignation against Spain, then a republic with Castelar at its head. There is always in the city of New York a filibustering interest which draws to its support a certain class of merchants and a certain class of lawyers. This interest, ever ready to provoke or aid an insurrection in Cuba, held a public meeting at Steinway Hall, November 17, to stimulate a war spirit against Spain. William M. Evarts took the chair and made an inflammatory speech. Sumner was invited to be one of the speakers; but he declined, and instead sent a letter of a spirit directly opposite to that of the meeting, in