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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,057 5 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 114 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 106 2 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 72 0 Browse Search
John Esten Cooke, Wearing of the Gray: Being Personal Portraits, Scenes, and Adventures of War. 70 0 Browse Search
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee 67 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 60 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 58 0 Browse Search
George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Major-General United States Army (ed. George Gordon Meade) 56 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 54 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for George Washington or search for George Washington in all documents.

Your search returned 12 results in 9 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
lready solemnly condemned by the American people in the election of Abraham Lincoln; and he gave as the best apology for the petitioners their ignorance of the character of the propositions. The Boston Courier, February 4, said that it was a libel on Massachusetts for Sumner to say that her people did not approve the Crittenden Compromise. Two things only, he maintained, were all-sufficient for the present crisis: First, that the Constitution of the United States as administered by George Washington shall be preserved intact and blameless in its text, with no tinkering for the sake of slavery; and secondly, that the verdict of the people last November, by which Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States, shall be enforced without price or condition. Works, vol. v. pp. 468-480. In a debate in the Senate, Feb. 9, 1864, Sumner reiterated his views of the Crittenden Compromise. To the suggestion coming from some quarters that the bankers and merchants of New York a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
construction of his own acts, but they stated their opposite views in language of mutual respect. Sumner sought the President at once, tracing him to the war department. As he made his complaint he discovered an impatience in Mr. Lincoln which he had not encountered before, the latter exclaiming, Do you take me for a school-committee man? Not at all, replied Sumner; I take you for President of the United States; and I come with a case of wrong, in attending to which your predecessor George Washington, if alive, might add to his renown. the President took this in good part, and changing his tone, proceeded to consider the case. Sumner afterwards called the attention of the Senate to Stanly's proceedings, in remarks and resolutions which denied the authority of the Executive to appoint military governors. June 2 and 6. 1862 (Works, vol. VII. pp. 112-115, 119,120). Sumner's protest stopped the practice of appointing military governors: and on account of it Mr. Stanton withdrew t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
. The Grotes regarded our cause with disfavor; so also did Senior, who wrote only to upbraid us for our shortcomings, saying, But as soon as you get rid of them [Southern politicians heretofore charged with being responsible for our brusque treatment of other nations], your language becomes more insulting, your threats become more precise, your tariff becomes more hostile, and at last your conduct becomes more outrageous. Henry Reeve was equally intemperate, ranking the Confederates with Washington and Franklin, and promising their recognition if they were not conquered in three months,—an act to be concurred in by all the great powers of Europe, to which, as he wrote, we should have to submit or go to war with all mankind. Joseph Parkes held from the beginning that acquiescence in secession was better and wiser than civil war; and he justified the attempt of the seceding States to obtain independence. He was silent from January, 1861, to October, 1863, and then replied to a recent
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
except from the delegates from Missouri. There were times during the war when there was a lack of enthusiasm for Mr. Lincoln, and a distrust of his fitness for his place among public men who were associated with him. Visitors to Washington in 1863-1864 were struck with the want of personal loyalty to him. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. pp. 264, 265, 271, 274; Godwin's Life of W. C. Bryant, vol. II. pp. 175, 178; P. W. Chandler's Memoir of John A. Andrew, pp. 111-114; Letter from Washington in Boston Commonwealth, Nov. 12, 1864. They found few senators and representatives who would maintain cordially and positively that he combined the qualifications of a leader in the great crisis; and the larger number of them, as the national election approached, were dissatisfied with his candidacy. Greeley's American Conflict, vol. II. p. 655; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. III. p. 545; Julian's Political Recollections, p. 243; New York Tribune, July 2, 1889. An ind
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
to the boat, where they remained till morning. This was Sumner's first and only visit to Richmond; and it gave him an opportunity to see Crawford's statue of Washington, in which he had been greatly interested. The night was weird, with Manchester still burning, and the flames visible from the boat, but Richmond lying in darknent. The whole people positively mourn, and it would seem as if again we were one nation with you, so universal is the grief and the horror at the deed of which Washington has been the scene. I have had a month of extraordinary suffering—the death of Mr. Cobden; then the death of my brother-in-law, Mr. Lucas, of the Morning Star;on of color, must be treated as citizens, and must take part in any proceedings for reorganization. He doubts at present the expediency of announcing this from Washington lest it should give a handle to party, but is willing it should be made known to the people in the rebel States. The chief-justice started yesterday on a visit
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
weeks in Newport and at the family home in Boston, Mr. and Mrs. Sumner began to occupy, just before the session in December, 1866, a house in Washington,—322 I Street. The various preparations for housekeeping were made; a French teacher engaged for the child; a pew in the Church of the Epiphany rented; a span of horses, which had been Lord Lyons's, bought, to be sold a year later,—the only beasts that Sumner ever owned. During the winter he and his wife participated in the social life of Washington, entertaining and being entertained by senators, diplomatists, and friends, and occasionally attending balls. They declined President Johnson's invitation to dine, Jan. 30, 1867. Remaining at the capital for some weeks after the close of the session, they were again in the house in Hancock Street, Boston, at the beginning of June, 1867. Late in the same month she went to Lenox, and they parted not to meet again. The final break, however, did not take place till September; and in the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
ou as soon as you can, and I should like to confer with you at the earliest convenient time. Faithfully yours, Hamilton Fish. When the vacation of 1869 ended, Sumner was in full accord with the Administration on all questions. The state department, in its original and later instructions to our minister to England, had met fully his views as given in his speech in April. This statement, which is justified by the correspondence given in this chapter, is supported by a letter from Washington in the New York Herald, Dec. 29, 1869,—which shows also that Sumner was satisfied with the instructions to Motley. His relations with the President were those of confidence and cordiality. There was no one in public life on whose counsels the Secretary of State then rested so securely as on those of the senator from Massachusetts. Sumner's uppermost thought at this time, so far as domestic affairs were concerned, was to establish absolute political and civil equality through the land.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
the necessity of giving to the colored people of the Southern States the right to vote as the basis of reconstruction, and was justified in stating that he was the first to propose it. He added: In my judgment it would be just as well for George Washington to defend himself against the charge of disloyalty to the American colonies, for whom he was fighting, as for the honorable senator to defend his record on this question. February 10, Congressional Globe, p. 1181; ante, p. 318. Sumne While Baez was out of power (1866-1868), he came to Washington seeking intervention against Cabral, who was then president by a popular vote. Seward referred him to Sumner, who gave him no countenance. In the winter of 1868-1869 he sent to Washington a confidential envoy (Louis Paul Argenard), and also an American resident of the island (J. W. Fabens). They plied members of Congress by personal solicitation, and distributed freely a pamphlet which they had prepared. The result appeared in
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
high a key. The President had foibles, and had in notable instances disregarded the limitations and legalities of his office. He had given relatives places in the public service,—among them a brother-in-law made minister to Denmark; Cramer, whom the foreign relations committee were indisposed to approve on account of unfitness. New York Herald, Feb. 3 and 6, 1871. and others, a dozen or so, of kin to him, whose appointments were mostly of humble grade,—conventional improprieties which Washington and Jefferson would have avoided. He had taken large gifts which circumspect statesmen are accustomed to refuse, but which after the Civil War other officers (Farragut, Sherman, and Sheridan) accepted from a grateful people; and he had committed the indiscretion of naming two of the givers This was the distinction made by the senator between the President, who thus returned favors, and other recipients. for his Cabinet who had no special fitness for their places. He was less careful t