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Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 28
r, was extremely delicate, and he resolved in no way to attempt to affect the result after the election had occurred and while the decision was yet contested. The election occurred on the 7th of November, and on the 18th he wrote to me at London: I expect to be in England early in July, when I shall hope to see you, if my successor has not decapitated you before that. The question of successor is not yet fully determined, nor can it be until we get the official canvass of the States of Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida. As the contest waxed furious he was approached on one side and threatened on the other, but could not be induced to swerve from the line he had marked out for himself. He held that he was in no way the judge of the elections, but he was determined to preserve the peace of the country, and watched every step and every indication of feeling, North and South, with the closest solicitude. Finally, Congress concluded to appoint the Electoral Commission and to
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 28
ders, with marked and elevated patriotism, had accepted the decision and recommended acquiescence to their followers, but there was a sullenness abroad that made many feel uneasy. It was not so long since the country had emerged from civil war. Mr. Tilden had been publicly recommended to take the oath of office at New York, and thus raise the question of the legality of Hayes's inauguration at the Capital. This possibility was known, and to meet the contingency the Chief Justice of the United States was invited to the dinner at the White House. During the day Mr. Fish approached Mr. Hayes, by the desire of Grant, and reminded him that the public inauguration could not with propriety take place on a Sunday. But it was extremely important that no opportunity to dispute the legality of any of the proceedings should be allowed; the Secretary of State, therefore, inquired whether Mr. Hayes would take the oath of office then (on Saturday), or on Sunday, the 4th of March. Mr. Hayes repl
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 28
ely delicate, and he resolved in no way to attempt to affect the result after the election had occurred and while the decision was yet contested. The election occurred on the 7th of November, and on the 18th he wrote to me at London: I expect to be in England early in July, when I shall hope to see you, if my successor has not decapitated you before that. The question of successor is not yet fully determined, nor can it be until we get the official canvass of the States of Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida. As the contest waxed furious he was approached on one side and threatened on the other, but could not be induced to swerve from the line he had marked out for himself. He held that he was in no way the judge of the elections, but he was determined to preserve the peace of the country, and watched every step and every indication of feeling, North and South, with the closest solicitude. Finally, Congress concluded to appoint the Electoral Commission and to abide by its
Denmark (Denmark) (search for this): chapter 28
large party lunched together, after which Grant made way for Hayes. Grant had done all that was proper in his position to assist in the election of Hayes, and very much indeed to facilitate his installation, and Hayes appreciated this course. A few days after the 4th of March, the new President invited Grant to say if there were any personal friends in office whom he would like to have retained. Grant named about half a dozen, among them his brother-in-law, Mr. Cramer, the Minister to Denmark. My own name as Consul-General at London was also mentioned. These requests Mr. Hayes religiously observed, though in my case, at least, great pressure was brought to induce him to break his pledge. My place was wanted by two Cabinet Ministers for their own friends, and was actually offered to Chester A. Arthur, then collector at New York, by Sherman, the Secretary of the Treasury. Arthur declined it, and I never heard that Sherman's offer was authorized by Hayes. Mr. Sherman, however,
Europe (search for this): chapter 28
for their own friends, and was actually offered to Chester A. Arthur, then collector at New York, by Sherman, the Secretary of the Treasury. Arthur declined it, and I never heard that Sherman's offer was authorized by Hayes. Mr. Sherman, however, was under no obligation to me, nor indeed to General Grant, beyond that which every citizen of the country shared. The new Administration showed Grant all proper civilities during his stay abroad. Naval vessels were placed at his disposal in European and Asiatic waters, and diplomatic and consular officers were instructed by the State Department to pay him every honor in the countries to which they were were accredited. But the policy of Hayes's Government Grant always thought reflected on his own. An avowed and personal enemy of the ex-President was made Secretary of the Interior, while the Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury were men for whom he had no personal preferences. He also disliked many of Hayes's inferior
W. T. Sherman (search for this): chapter 28
that Hayes had been elected, he made ready at once to secure his inauguration. He conferred with his Cabinet and with Sherman, then General-in-Chief of the army. But there were no serious indications of resistance to the verdict of the court creo Cabinet Ministers for their own friends, and was actually offered to Chester A. Arthur, then collector at New York, by Sherman, the Secretary of the Treasury. Arthur declined it, and I never heard that Sherman's offer was authorized by Hayes. MrSherman's offer was authorized by Hayes. Mr. Sherman, however, was under no obligation to me, nor indeed to General Grant, beyond that which every citizen of the country shared. The new Administration showed Grant all proper civilities during his stay abroad. Naval vessels were placed atMr. Sherman, however, was under no obligation to me, nor indeed to General Grant, beyond that which every citizen of the country shared. The new Administration showed Grant all proper civilities during his stay abroad. Naval vessels were placed at his disposal in European and Asiatic waters, and diplomatic and consular officers were instructed by the State Department to pay him every honor in the countries to which they were were accredited. But the policy of Hayes's Government Grant alway
Conkling (search for this): chapter 28
nation of Hayes for the Presidency Grant gave him a cordial support. Until the nominations were made, however, all Grant's influence had been thrown in favor of Conkling, and against Bristow and Blaine. He had declined to allow his name to go before the convention, but he naturally took a keen interest in the selection of the candidate who might succeed him. Conkling had been his especial advocate and defender in the Senate during the period when many fell away, while for Bristow he entertained an especial bitterness. He looked upon Bristow as a Cabinet Minister who had become not only the rival of his chief, but the instigator of all the fierce and pere sentiment, which was one of the most intense he ever knew. But for Blaine at this time Grant had no animosity; he opposed him because he was the competitor of Conkling. When, however, Hayes became the candidate by a compromise, Grant was loyal to his party and to the decision of its representatives. No one suspected him, an
Tilden (search for this): chapter 28
es, who would perceive that they also had their opportunities. When the first announcement of Tilden's election was made, a day or two after the vote, Grant, like a good citizen, was prepared to acl. Accordingly, he made every preparation to carry out that will, whichever way it turned. Had Tilden been declared President by the Commission, Grant would assuredly have taken every step to inaugurate him which he afterward took to inaugurate Hayes. I never met Mr. Tilden until he went abroad after the inauguration of Hayes. I was then Consul-General at London, and called on him as on a ma the time in London. Like most of the disappointed or disaffected Republicans, Motley held that Tilden had been elected, but he said bitterly that made no difference, for Grant was in power, and he w that made many feel uneasy. It was not so long since the country had emerged from civil war. Mr. Tilden had been publicly recommended to take the oath of office at New York, and thus raise the quest
Schurz (search for this): chapter 28
pointments, and never professed any admiration for his Administration. He was especially mortified at the appointment of Schurz as Secretary of the Interior; but he was out of power, and the influence of an incoming Secretary was greater than all thr. But he offered no more than an occasional criticism of Mr. Hayes or his Government, and never opposition, except to Schurz, his dislike for whom was doubtless returned in kind. Schurz was indeed one of the men for whom Grant conceived a violeSchurz was indeed one of the men for whom Grant conceived a violent hate, yet even Schurz called at Grant's house to inquire for him while the great soldier lay dying. Mr. Hayes also went to the house of his predecessor on a visit of sympathy at the same sad time, and he attended Grant's funeral nceived a violent hate, yet even Schurz called at Grant's house to inquire for him while the great soldier lay dying. Mr. Hayes also went to the house of his predecessor on a visit of sympathy at the same sad time, and he attended Grant's funeral
Nicholas Fish (search for this): chapter 28
recommended acquiescence to their followers, but there was a sullenness abroad that made many feel uneasy. It was not so long since the country had emerged from civil war. Mr. Tilden had been publicly recommended to take the oath of office at New York, and thus raise the question of the legality of Hayes's inauguration at the Capital. This possibility was known, and to meet the contingency the Chief Justice of the United States was invited to the dinner at the White House. During the day Mr. Fish approached Mr. Hayes, by the desire of Grant, and reminded him that the public inauguration could not with propriety take place on a Sunday. But it was extremely important that no opportunity to dispute the legality of any of the proceedings should be allowed; the Secretary of State, therefore, inquired whether Mr. Hayes would take the oath of office then (on Saturday), or on Sunday, the 4th of March. Mr. Hayes replied that he could not possibly be sworn in on a Sunday. Accordingly, in t
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