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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir. Search the whole document.

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Copenhagen (Denmark) (search for this): chapter 37
my name had been sent to the Senate that very morning as Charge d'affaires at Copenhagen. The change in the Custom House of New York had been made which brought abouy interview to General Grant he telegraphed me again: I advise you to decline Copenhagen and stick to London, unless you can get Naval Office or Italy, or some equall It would be better to come here without Government appointment than to take Copenhagen. My relatives and personal friends gave me different advice and thought I wot, and finally requested the President to withdraw my nomination as Charge to Copenhagen. This he did, but offered me no other appointment, and he did not recall thant his secretary to me more than once to urge me to accept the appointment to Copenhagen, as that would relieve him from the appearance of disregarding General Grant'oln obtained a promise from the President that I should be appointed again to Copenhagen, if I would pledge myself in advance to accept the post. But before this arr
Denmark (Denmark) (search for this): chapter 37
y, Conkling should have been consulted; and Merritt, the friend and appointee of Sherman, was ousted to make room for Robertson. I was removed from London in favor of Merritt; General Grant's brother-in-law, Mr. Cramer, the Charge d'affaires at Denmark, was displaced for me, and Mr. Nicholas Fish, the son of Grant's Secretary of State, was removed from the position of Charge at Berne to make room for Cramer. Merritt, Cramer, and I were each placed where we had no desire to be, and Fish lost hd place. Advise with Conkling and Platt. It would be better to come here without Government appointment than to take Copenhagen. My relatives and personal friends gave me different advice and thought I would do better to accept the mission to Denmark; but I considered myself bound to defer to General Grant, and finally requested the President to withdraw my nomination as Charge to Copenhagen. This he did, but offered me no other appointment, and he did not recall that of Merritt, so that i
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 37
until June, 1880, there had been nothing at all remarkable in the relations of Grant with the man who outstripped him at Chicago. The most prominent of the Western generals was not likely to see much of the chiefof-staff of a distant commander, andical supporter of the head of his party; but there was no approach to intimacy between them. After the nominations at Chicago, Grant remained for a while entirely undemonstrative. He sent no congratulations to his victor and gave no intimation o subordinate. This utterance was followed by a demonstration from Conkling, not only Grant's most prominent champion at Chicago, but himself only four years before a popular candidate for the Presidency. When these two had spoken it was plain thatntest between Garfield and Blaine on one side, and Grant, Conkling, and Arthur on the other. Robertson, whose course at Chicago had secured the defeat of Grant, and who was therefore the man in the whole country most objectionable to Grant and his
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 37
ing all this period, and used to marvel at his magnanimity; but he never made any allusion to the especial sacrifice his action must have cost him; that he felt it to the core, I am sure. The influence of his presence and his popularity contributed greatly to the success of the campaign. Garfield was elected by a small majority, and it is not claiming much for Grant to say that he controlled votes enough to make up this majority. I was present with him at public meetings in New York, New England, and New Jersey, and I saw the enthusiasm he evoked. I stood by him during the great procession of the Boys in Blue in New York a few nights before the election. The pageant lasted from nearly midnight till four in the morning, but he remained upon the platform until the last man had passed; Chester A. Arthur, the candidate for the Vice-Presidency, stood by his side, reaping the benefit of Grant's popularity. Grant even became so much interested during the campaign that he made remarks
Colorado (Colorado, United States) (search for this): chapter 37
uring the entire period of Grant's Administration, and was always a loyal political supporter of the head of his party; but there was no approach to intimacy between them. After the nominations at Chicago, Grant remained for a while entirely undemonstrative. He sent no congratulations to his victor and gave no intimation of the course he intended to pursue. The result of the Convention was entirely unanticipated by him, and his disappointment was certainly keen. In July he went off to Colorado, where he remained for a month or more, and his silence was so prolonged that many believed he intended to support Hancock; but of this there was never a possibility. At last in September he made known his acceptance of the decision of his party. Up to that time the prospects of Garfield had not been brilliant. He was comparatively unknown to the country and lacked the peculiar elements of popularity in illustrious service and national reputation, which Grant and Blaine and Sherman, h
Mentor (Washington, United States) (search for this): chapter 37
to support his former subordinate. This utterance was followed by a demonstration from Conkling, not only Grant's most prominent champion at Chicago, but himself only four years before a popular candidate for the Presidency. When these two had spoken it was plain that the entire Republican party would be united under Garfield as its chief and standard-bearer. But Grant was not content with a simple expression of opinion. At Garfield's urgent request he consented to pay him a visit; at Mentor, the home of the candidate, he was met by Mr. Conkling, and the two were entertained by the man who had overtopped them both. After this Grant took a still more unusual course. He attended numerous political meetings, at nearly every one of which he made a short address, setting forth his reasons for desiring Republican success. No ex-President had taken such a step before, and it was still more remarkable in Grant, who had not been a partisan before becoming President, and had never show
Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 37
o the nomination of Grant, were not sufficient to secure the election of the unlooked — for candidate. Representations were accordingly made to Grant of the necessity for his support; and he himself felt that having allowed his name to be presented to the Convention, it was in good faith incumbent on him to acquiesce in its decision. Besides this he was thoroughly convinced that the interests of the country required the election of a Republican President. It was at a political meeting in Indiana that he first made public his intention to support his former subordinate. This utterance was followed by a demonstration from Conkling, not only Grant's most prominent champion at Chicago, but himself only four years before a popular candidate for the Presidency. When these two had spoken it was plain that the entire Republican party would be united under Garfield as its chief and standard-bearer. But Grant was not content with a simple expression of opinion. At Garfield's urgent req
Berne, N. Y. (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 37
his partisans, was made Collector of New York, although according to all the recognized rules of political courtesy, Conkling should have been consulted; and Merritt, the friend and appointee of Sherman, was ousted to make room for Robertson. I was removed from London in favor of Merritt; General Grant's brother-in-law, Mr. Cramer, the Charge d'affaires at Denmark, was displaced for me, and Mr. Nicholas Fish, the son of Grant's Secretary of State, was removed from the position of Charge at Berne to make room for Cramer. Merritt, Cramer, and I were each placed where we had no desire to be, and Fish lost his position altogether. All this had been done without any premonition or warning to Grant, who had seen the President two days before and received his assurances of friendship and deference. Of course the President had the right to make what changes he pleased in the public service, but Grant thought that after what he had done to secure Garfield's election he should have been
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 37
of Robertson more keenly than the removal of Cramer, or Fish, or my own. Garfield, however, remained firm, but as the nominations were all opposed in the Senate, I returned to my post in England to await the result, while General Grant went to Mexico on business. From there he wrote to me: I will never again lend my aid to the support of a Presidential candidate who has not strength enough to appear before a convention as a candidate, but gets in simply by the adherents of prominent candidatthat I should be appointed again to Copenhagen, if I would pledge myself in advance to accept the post. But before this arrangement could be carried out Garfield was struck down by the assassin. General Grant had in the meantime returned from Mexico and gone to his house at Long Branch. Both Conkling and Platt had resigned their positions in the Senate, and after a long struggle at Albany their successors were elected. Grant's feeling, however, had by this time become somewhat mollified, a
Long Branch, N. J. (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 37
Copenhagen, if I would pledge myself in advance to accept the post. But before this arrangement could be carried out Garfield was struck down by the assassin. General Grant had in the meantime returned from Mexico and gone to his house at Long Branch. Both Conkling and Platt had resigned their positions in the Senate, and after a long struggle at Albany their successors were elected. Grant's feeling, however, had by this time become somewhat mollified, and when Garfield visited Long BranLong Branch, Grant called on him and the President expressed great satisfaction at the courtesy. Nevertheless General Grant had fully sympathized with the feeling of Mr. Conkling and Vice-President Arthur, and had come in for his share of unpopularity with those who supported Garfield, as well as with that large portion of the community which always worships power. I remember that my publishers assured me that the sale of my History of Grant's Campaigns, which appeared at this time, was greatly injure
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