hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
John Dimitry , A. M., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.1, Louisiana (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 374 14 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 4. 130 4 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 113 13 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 74 8 Browse Search
Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 11.1, Texas (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 65 15 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 3: The Decisive Battles. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 61 3 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 59 7 Browse Search
Robert Lewis Dabney, Life and Commands of Lieutenand- General Thomas J. Jackson 52 2 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 3. 42 2 Browse Search
Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.1, Alabama (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 37 7 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir. You can also browse the collection for Richard Taylor or search for Richard Taylor in all documents.

Your search returned 8 results in 4 document sections:

port of the enterprise. Grant was unused to the arts of placemen and politicians, and indeed unversed in any manoeuvres except those of the field. He still retained his magnanimous sentiment toward the conquered, and was at first in no way averse to what he supposed were the President's views. He protested against the harsh measures advised by many Northerners, and was far more in accord with Johnson than with Stanton. The Democrats claimed him; the Republicans distrusted him. General Richard Taylor came to me about this time and proposed that Grant should become the candidate of the Democratic party in the next Presidential election, promising the support of the South in a mass if it was allowed to vote. James Brooks, then the leader of the Democrats in the House of Representatives, made similar overtures, also through me. Brooks was my intimate personal friend; he always predicted that Grant would be the next President, and he was avowedly anxious to secure him for the Democr
by him, but he certainly never in his career appeared more anxious or ardent in any task than in his efforts now to induce the South to accept the terms which he believed the easiest the North would ever offer. The following letter to General Richard Taylor, the brother-in-law of Jefferson Davis, and one of the most influential of the Southern leaders, shows that this view is no imaginative speculation or far-fetched criticism: headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. ly to see one Southern State, excluded State, ratify the amendments to enable us to see the exact course that would be pursued. I believe it would much modify the demands that may be made if there is delay. Yours truly, U. S. Grant. To General R. Taylor. But the President's endeavors did not cease. His was one of those tempers which opposition aggravates, and he became at last violent in his obstinacy. He went over entirely to those whom he had fought for a lifetime; he made politica
s of Johnson as a President who at first aimed to revenge himself upon Southern men of better social standing than himself, but who still sought their recognition, and in a short time conceived the idea and advanced the proposition to become their Moses to lead them triumphantly out of all their difficulties. I remember once returning to him from the White House, and describing to him what I had seen; the antechamber of the tailor-President crowded with magnates of the South, Hunter and Richard Taylor and others of that sort, waiting for a chance to ask to be pardoned. Grant, like every other human being, was sometimes unjust in his judgments, and did not always allow the credit of the highest motives to those who opposed him. He thought Johnson was affected by the influences I have described, and that Seward for the sake of place and power followed in the political somersault. No word intimating a belief that Seward originated Johnson's policy ever escaped him in my hearing, eit
icting certain statements that had been published by ex-Secretary Welles of Lincoln's and Johnson's Cabinets, and General Richard Taylor of the Confederate army, in regard to the Wilderness campaign. This paper announced that it was written with Graapter of which this is to form a part—or a correction. I am very glad you sent on your letter to the Herald in answer to Taylor and Welles. Young's, without yours, would not have much point. I become responsible for yours, and I can very well afford it because Taylor's was a deadly attack upon two now dead-Lincoln & Stanton—and Welles upon two dead persons—Stanton and Halleck—all untrue—the attacks—and I feel it a duty to relieve all three of aspersions so unjust to their memories. We are t. I did not say that about 39,000 would cover my losses in killed, wounded, & missing. What I did say was that Welles, Taylor & Co. would soon have it pass into history that we had a 100,000 men killed in getting to the James river, when we c