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Hampton Roads (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
ost earnest for General Johnston's original appointment to that command. All these things I do personally know. I was not present when the order for removal was determined upon, but I received it immediately after from a member of the Cabinet, and do not doubt its truth, that Mr. Davis was the very last man who gave his assent to that removal, and he only gave the order when fully satisfied it was necessary to prevent the surrender of Atlanta without a fight. The full history of the Hampton Roads commission and conference has never been written. I will not give that history now. Much has been said and published on the subject which is not true. I know why each member of that commission, on our part, was selected. I received from Mr. Davis's own lips a full account of the conversation between himself and the commissioners before their departure from Richmond. You have heard it said that the President embarrassed the commissioners by giving them positive instructions to make
Atlanta (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
Address of honorable B. H. Hill before the Georgia branch of the Southern Historical Society at Atlanta, February 18th, 1874. [The following address should have been published in our Papers at the time of its delivery, but for the fact that we did not begin our publication until two years later, and it was crowded out from timot true of all who were in authority. It was his fault, perhaps, that he did not use his authority to deprive such of their power to do evil. I am speaking in Atlanta, and it is all the more proper, therefore, that I should speak for the first time in public of the removal of General Johnston from the command of the army of Ten Mr. Davis was the very last man who gave his assent to that removal, and he only gave the order when fully satisfied it was necessary to prevent the surrender of Atlanta without a fight. The full history of the Hampton Roads commission and conference has never been written. I will not give that history now. Much has been said
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 43
n our publication until two years later, and it was crowded out from time to time by the pressure upon our pages. We are quite sure that our readers will thank us for giving them now this superb address of the great orator:] Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen. The object of this meeting is to organize in Georgia an auxiliary branch of The Southern Historical Society. The object of this Society is to collect and preserve authentic materials for a full and correct history of the Confederate States. I have accepted the flattering invitation to address you on this occasion, and now proceed to perform the part allotted me as both a duty and a pleasure. When the war between secession and coercion ended, the Southern States were under every obligation which defeat could imply, or surrender impose, to abandon secession as a remedy for every grievance, real or supposed. Whatever might have been their convictions touching the abstract right of secession, or the sufficiency of the
ossess (and they are but limited), are military talents. My education and training are military. I think the military and civil talents are distinct, if not different, and full duty in either sphere is about as much as one man can qualify himself to perform. I shall not do the people the injustice to accept high civil office, with whose questions it has not been my business to become familiar. Well, but General, I insisted, history does not sustain your view. Caesar, and Frederick of Prussia, and Bonaparte, were all great statesmen, as well as great generals. And all great tyrants, he promptly rejoined. I speak of the proper rule in republics, where, I think, we should have neither military statesmen, nor political generals. But Washington was both, and yet not a tyrant, I repeated. And with a beautiful smile, he said: Washington was an exception to all rule, and there was none like him. I could find no words to answer, but instantly I said in thought: Surely Washi
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
g death-blows to the life of the State, to the heart of society, and to the hopes of civilization, that ignorance and vice may be exalted, and intelligence and virtue degraded! Do I exaggerate? Look at South Carolina and answer. See the land of Marion and Sumter, of Rutledge and Pinckney, of Calhoun and Butler, the prey and sport of rioting thieves and gluttonous plunderers, whose orgies continue days, months and years in the face of the nation and under Federal protection! Look at Louisiana! Behold a sovereign State sentenced to the chain-gang by telegram from Washington, to work at hard labor under negro and carpet-bag drivers! This, this, is the fruit of coercion! These are the works of reconstruction! Have the people of America no shame? Has the God of heaven no wrath? If coercion and reconstruction shall continue, their fruits will multiply, until all the people, in agonized remorse, shall cry out: Surely several unions were better than one Empire, and divided l
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
, desolated their homes, and burnt up their property! And what is Reconstruction? It is the practical application of coercion. It is logic turning to facts. It is coercion at its work. It is the torch of the incendiary, the knife of the assassin, the firearm of the bandit, sending death-blows to the life of the State, to the heart of society, and to the hopes of civilization, that ignorance and vice may be exalted, and intelligence and virtue degraded! Do I exaggerate? Look at South Carolina and answer. See the land of Marion and Sumter, of Rutledge and Pinckney, of Calhoun and Butler, the prey and sport of rioting thieves and gluttonous plunderers, whose orgies continue days, months and years in the face of the nation and under Federal protection! Look at Louisiana! Behold a sovereign State sentenced to the chain-gang by telegram from Washington, to work at hard labor under negro and carpet-bag drivers! This, this, is the fruit of coercion! These are the works of r
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
esident, Ladies and Gentlemen. The object of this meeting is to organize in Georgia an auxiliary branch of The Southern Historical Society. The object of this Soons, to defeat that enemy. We all remember the fierce war which was made in Georgia, against certain war measures of the Congress, and against Mr. Davis for recom to you, that, notwithstanding some indications to the contrary, the people of Georgia will cordially sustain you in all your efforts to achieve our independence. Athank you, sir, for that information, and I have never doubted the fidelity of Georgia. The people of Georgia sustain you, I added, not only because they have confiGeorgia sustain you, I added, not only because they have confidence in you, but chiefly because it is the only way to sustain the cause. And with an expression of sincerity glowing all over his countenance, and with a reverenindly to General Grant. However much wrong he may have done otherwise, we, in Georgia, owe him a debt, of which I have personal knowledge, and I shall never speak o
La Grange (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 43
ful, grave expression I can never forget: I have no ambition but to serve the Confederacy, and do all I can to win our independence. I am willing to serve in any capacity to which the authorities may assign me. I have done the best I could in the field, and have not succeeded as I could wish I am willing to yield my place to these best generals, and I will do my best for the cause editing a newspaper. Since making this address, I find that I repeated this same anecdote in the speech at La Grange in March, 1865. Jefferson Davis was as great in the cabinet as was Lee in the field. He was more resentful in temper, and more aggressive in his nature than Lee. His position, too, more exposed him to assaults from our own people. He had to make all appointments, and though often upon the recommendation of others, all the blame of mistake was charged to him, and mistakes were often charged by disappointed seekers and their friends which were not made. He also made recommendations f
D. H. Hill (search for this): chapter 43
of Richmond, as I was going out and he going in the executive office, I said to him, General, I wish you would give us your opinion as to the propriety of changing the seat of government, and going further South. That is a political question, Mr. Hill, and you politicians must determine it. I shall endeavor to take care of the army and you must make the laws and control the Government. Ah, General, I said, but you will have to change that rule, and form and express political opinions; for,reater, is here. Lee sometimes indulged in satire, to which his greatness gave point and power. He was especially severe on newspaper criticisms of military movements—subjects about which the writers knew nothing. We made a great mistake, Mr. Hill, in the beginning of our struggle, and I fear, in spite of all we can do, it will prove to be a fatal mistake, he said to me, after General Bragg ceased to command the Army of Tennessee, an event Lee deplored. What mistake is that, General?
Robert E. Lee (search for this): chapter 43
ults, and heroes because of success. Davis and Lee, because of qualities in themselves, are great historian shall come to survey the character of Lee, he will find it rising like a huge mountain abny peculiarities in the habits and character of Lee, which are but little known, and which may be splied with a firm dignity that belonged only to Lee. That I will never permit. Whatever talents I one like him, if not even greater, is here. Lee sometimes indulged in satire, to which his greaased to command the Army of Tennessee, an event Lee deplored. What mistake is that, General? ferson Davis was as great in the cabinet as was Lee in the field. He was more resentful in temper, and more aggressive in his nature than Lee. His position, too, more exposed him to assaults from o the concurrence of, and, often originated with Lee, the opposition of malcontents was directed at however you may be sustained in such action by Lee and all the Cabinet, and even the Congress, the
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