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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Annual reunion of Pegram Battalion Association in the Hall of House of Delegates, Richmond, Va., May 21st, 1886. (search)
ion. Those who in turn watched his own faintly flushing cheek, and the light of battle kindling in his eyes, looked at each other and smiled, knowing how he himself was burning to go in. Nor did he have long to wait. The great columns were now marching straight upon his guns. Not until the enemy were within eight hundred yards did these batteries open fire. Before the storm of shot and shell the enemy broke and fled. Again the Grand Divisions (as they were then called) of Hooker and Franklin came surging up, and pierced the gap between Lane and Archer. Jackson's second line was now advanced, and the enemy speedily driven back. In both attacks the picked guns performed superb service, but their loss was severe. Not only were they subjected to a galling infantry fire, but the artillery of the enemy admirably served, and opposing thrice as many guns, poured upon them an unceasing rain of shot and shell. But the Confederate batteries were never silenced. It was here that Magru
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Ceremonies connected with the unveiling of the statue of General Robert E. Lee, at Lee circle, New Orleans, Louisiana, February 22, 1884. (search)
shall have ratified the same. The same doctrine likewise appears in the ordinances of ratification of several of the States, in the debates of the convention itself, and in those of the various State conventions-denied only by the opponents of the Constitution, always affirmed by its friends. It is repeatedly and explicitly proclaimed in the Federalist. It appears in the writings and utterances of all the fathers of the Constitution, of Hamilton as well as of Madison, of Washington, Franklin, Gerry, Wilson, Morris, of those who favored as well as those who feared a strong government. It is emphatically announced, not only in the extreme Kentucky resolutions, but in the famous Virginia resolutions of 1798, the first from the pen of Jefferson, the last from that of Madison, the latter of which declared that they viewed the powers of the Federal government as resulting from the compact to which the States were parties. These resolutions formed thereafter the corner stone of the
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), First Maryland campaign. (search)
r stores. During the 14th McClellan had thrown forward Franklin to Cramp ton's Gap, through which McLaws had entered Pleaear guard, the mountain pass was forced, and at nightfall Franklin had full possession of the road to McLaws's rear. But a e Valley in so strong a position, and so skillfully, that Franklin next morning declined to attack. After the surrender of by the garrison at the one end of Pleasant Valley, and by Franklin at the other, was relieved from his unpleasant position. the corps of Hooker, Mansfield, and Sumner, supported by Franklin if necessary, against the Confederate left wing, and, as f his army upon Lee's left and support it if necessary by Franklin in addition. His other operations were to be in concert led with such fearful loss to the Federal army, that when Franklin reached the field about midday Sumner would not permit hibattle had taken place. Sumner had refused permission to Franklin, with more than 1,000 fresh men, to resume the attack. S
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Address of honorable B. H. Hill before the Georgia branch of the Southern Historical Society at Atlanta, February 18th, 1874. (search)
th uttered by Lee, he would have lived deeper in the affections of his people and higher in the esteem of mankind than all the battles he has won, and all the presidential terms he can receive can ever secure for his name. The second thing, indispensable to the elevation of our statesmanship, is the reduction of congressional salaries. Upon principle, the legislators of a country, who have in their hands the purse of the people, ought not to have the power to help themselves. I believe Franklin was right when he desired by constitutional provision to prohibit compensation to members of Congress. I am very sure the propositions of others in the Convention to fix the amount of the compensation in the Constitution—so that the members could not increase their own pay—was full of wisdom. Madison uttered a truth when he said it was an indecent thing for members to fix their own compensation. Then, again, high congressional salaries are wrong and hurtful in policy. They excite the