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less; nor do I think at this late day the survivors will accept a version that would stamp their beloved leader as self-convicted of the blunders, or worse, of that ill-starred 3d of July. Illustrating Lee's offensive strategy is the movement by which, in the autumn of 1863, he flanked Meade out of his position at Culpeper, and forced him back into the lines at Centreville, and this, too, though his army had been depleted one-third by the dispatch of Longstreet to the west. And when in December Meade crossed the Rapidan and established himself across the roads leading from Orrange Courthouse to Fredericksburg, not a step in retrograde did the Southern General take. He accepted the challenge from a superior force, marched promptly out with the corps of Ewell and Hill, planted himself on the ridges over Mine Run, and offered battle for two whole days. On the night of the third he massed two divisions on his right to assault the left flank of the enemy, but in the morning an advanc
perate work, until at last, after the bloodiest of all bloody days, that at Cold Harbor, the bugles sounded the advance, the officers bared their swords and pointed the way, but the men with one accord stood motionless in their ranks—a silent, but effective protest against a further application of the policy of attrition. On the 14th of June the advance corps of the Army of the Potomac reached the pontoon bridge which was to bear them to the new scene of action at Petersburg. Since the 5th of May their losses in killed, wounded and missing, according to the official returns of the Federal Surgeon-General, had been 67,000—or 3,000 more than the number of men with which Lee had entered upon the campaign. Up to this time, including Smith's corps, Grant had received in reinforcements 51,000 muskets, Lee 14,000. These statistics are pregnant with testimony as to the skill of our commander and the efficient valor of his troops. But the end was not yet. Once in front of the historic
offered battle for two whole days. On the night of the third he massed two divisions on his right to assault the left flank of the enemy, but in the morning an advance in the gray light found only empty trenches. The same movement essentially was repeated in the following spring when Grant came southward of the river. Here again, instead of retiring behind the North Anna as his antagonist presumed, Lee barred the path of invasion in the old battlefields of the Wilderness, and on the 6th of May became the assailant after a vigorous fashion. Thereafter our commander proved the subordination of his temperament to his judgment by compelling battle from time to time on his own ground, giving his troops the advantage also of entrenchments. From time to time, 'tis true, he would thrust a sudden wedge of fire or steel into some interval in the opposing lines, or fall upon some isolated force with the hammer of a Vulcan. But his policy now was to delay the advance of the invading army
gh he then and there avowed the blame with generous disregard of self, 'twas only as if he had said, You were not at fault, you that came back from the heroic effort, or those whose bodies dot that deadly slope; you did all that human bravery could do. The army took his grave, kind words as meaning that—no more nor less; nor do I think at this late day the survivors will accept a version that would stamp their beloved leader as self-convicted of the blunders, or worse, of that ill-starred 3d of July. Illustrating Lee's offensive strategy is the movement by which, in the autumn of 1863, he flanked Meade out of his position at Culpeper, and forced him back into the lines at Centreville, and this, too, though his army had been depleted one-third by the dispatch of Longstreet to the west. And when in December Meade crossed the Rapidan and established himself across the roads leading from Orrange Courthouse to Fredericksburg, not a step in retrograde did the Southern General take. He
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