Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 2, 17th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Henry Vane or search for Henry Vane in all documents.

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the ability, and the conscientious purity of Henry Vane were unavailing. Had the life of Hampden behe better principles of the Independents was Henry Vane; but the acknowledged leader of the party wa carried away with eagerness for monarchy, Sir Henry Vane, the former governor of Massachusetts, they was overthrown, and a commonwealth attempted, Vane reluctantly filled a seat in the council; and, ed him to Carisbrook Castle. Both Cromwell and Vane were unsuccessful states- Chap XI.} men; the f for his life. Certainly, wrote the king, Sir Henry Vane is too dangerous a man to let live, if we him, said the king's counsel. Trial of Sir Henry Vane, 73. 55. The day before his execution,e averted. Why should we fear death? answered Vane; I find it rather shrinks from me, than I from The plebeian Hugh Peters had been hanged; Sir Henry Vane was to suffer on the bock. The same cheermong the noblest productions of the human mind; Vane proved how fearlessly it could bear testimony f[6 more...]
his own aggrandizement with the privileges and interests of British commerce, of Protestant religious liberty, and of the landed aristocracy of England. In the Long Parliament, Shaftesbury acted with the people against absolute power; but, while Vane adhered to the parliament from love of popular rights, Shaftesbury adhered to it as the guardian of aristocratic liberty. Again, under Cromwell, Shaftesbury was still the opponent of arbitrary power. At the restoration, he would not tolerate an epository of power and freedom, Shaftesbury had no confidence; his system protected wealth and privilege; and he desired to deposit the conservative principles of society in the exclusive custody of the favored classes. Cromwell had proposed, and Vane had advocated, a reform in parliament; Shaftesbury hardly showed a disposition to diminish the influence of the nobility over the lower house. As to making Shaftesbury a friend to our ideas of liberty, it is impossible, at least in my opinion. Y
ll sorts as inhuman. Locke, as an American lawgiver, dreaded a too numerous democracy, and reserved all power to wealth and the feudal proprietaries; Penn believed that God is in every conscience, his light in every soul; and therefore, stretching out his arms, he built—such are his own words—a free colony for all mankind. This is the praise of William Penn, that, in an age which had the a popular revolution shipwreck popular liberty among selfish factions, which had seen Hugh Peters and Henry Vane perish by the hangman's cord and the axe; in an age when Sydney nourished the pride of patriotism rather than the sentiment of philanthropy, when Russel stood for the liberties of his order, and not for new enfranchisements, when Harrington, and Chap. XVI.} Shaftesbury, and Locke, thought government should rest on property,—Penn did not despair of humanity, and, though all history and experience See Hume's account of the meeting of the Long Parliament. denied the sovereignty of the pe<
ehend. Spiritual religion is an enfranchising power, expanding and elevating the soul, a service of forms was analogous to the understanding of James; to attend mass, to build chapels, to risk the kingdom for a rosary,—this was within his grasp; he had no clear perception of religious truth. Freedom of conscience, always an ennobling conception, was, in that age, an idea yet standing on the threshold of the world, waiting to be ushered in; and none but exalted minds—Roger Williams and Penn, Vane, Fox, and Bun- 1677 yan—went forth to welcome it; no glimpse of it reached James, whose selfish policy, unable to gain immediate dominion for his persecuted priests and his confessor, begged at least for toleration. Debauching a woman on promise of marriage, he next allowed her to be traduced as having yielded to frequent prostitution, and then married her; he was conscientious, but his moral sense was as slow as his understanding. He was not bloodthirsty; but to a narrow mind fear seems t<
litical history of his native commonwealth for a century, when, anticipating, and in his consistency excelling, Godwin and Bentham, he gave Calvinism its political euthanasia, by declaring virtue to consist in universal love. In Boston, with Henry Vane and Anne Hutchinson, Calvinism ran to seed; and the seed was incorruptible. Election implies faith, and faith freedom. Claiming the Spirit of God as the companion of man, the Antinomians asserted absolute freedom of mind. For predestination f is immortal. God will be ordinances to us. The exiled doctrine, which established conscience as the highest court of Wheelwright. appeal, fled to the island gift of Miantonomoh; and the records of Rhode Island, like the beautiful career of Henry Vane, are the commentary on the true import of the creed. Faith in predestination alone divided the Antinomians from the Quakers. Both reverenced and obeyed the voice of conscience in its freedom. The near resemblance was perceived so soon as t