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rrassments of American affairs by taking the seals for the Northern Department. Those of the Southern, which included the colonies, were intrusted to the Duke of Bedford. The new secretary was a man of inflexible honesty and good — will to his country, untainted by duplicity or timidity. His abilities were not brilliant; but hconcealment, and was blunt, unabashed, and, without being aware of it, rudely impetuous, even in the presence of his sovereign. Newcastle was jealous of rivals;— Bedford was impatient of contradiction. Newcastle was timorous without caution, and rushed into difficulculties which he evaded by indecision;—the fearless, chap. I.} 1748. positive, uncompromising Bedford, energetic without sagacity, and stubborn with but a narrow range of thought, scorned to shun deciding upon any question that might arise, grew choleric at resistance, could not or would not foresee obstacles, and was known throughout America as ever ready at all hazards to vindicate authority<
Halifax in a bumper, were the words of Clinton, as he read his letters from England; though I durst say, he added, the rest are as hearty. Especially the Duke of Bedford, on the first day of November, gave assurances to Clinton, Bedford to Clinton, 1 November, 1749. Clinton to Colden, 5 Feb., 1749-50. that the affairs of the cBedford to Clinton, 1 November, 1749. Clinton to Colden, 5 Feb., 1749-50. that the affairs of the colonies would be taken into consideration, and that he might rely on receiving all proper assistance and vigorous support in maintaining the king's delegated authority. The secretary was in earnest, and for the rest of his life remained true to his promise, not knowing that he was the dupe of the profligate cupidity of worthless oe to bear arms, and daily in the use of them. It becomes necessary that the colonies be early looked into, in time of peace, and regulated. Compare Clinton to Bedford, 17 Oct., 1749. Same to Lords of Trade, same date. As a source of revenue, William Douglas in Boston, a Scottish physician, publicly proposed a stamp duty upon a
ly, partly because the king had a permanent revenue from quitrents and perpetual grants, partly because the governor resided in England, and was careful that his deputy should not hazard his sinecure by controversy. In consequence, the Council, by its weight of personal character, gained unusual influence. The Church of England was supported by legislative authority, and the plebeian sects were as yet proscribed, but the great extent of the parishes prevented all unity of public worship. Bedford, when in office, had favored the appointment of an Anglican bishop in America; but, as his decisive opinion and the importunities of Sherlock and Secker had not prevailed, the benefices were filled by priests ordained in England, and for the most part of English birth, too often ill-educated and licentious men, whose crimes quickened Virginia to assume the advowson of its churches. The province had not one large town; the scattered mode of life made free schools not easily practicable. So
neither. In the House of Commons, Charles Townshend never feared to appear as the rival of the minister; that there might also be in the cabinet one man who dared to stand up against Pitt, contradict him, and oppose his measures, the Duke of Bedford, though without employment, was, by the king's command, summoned to attend its meetings. The Duke was indifferent to office, and incapable of guile; as bold and as open as Pitt, and more regardless of consequences. Halifax, who had so long bee, France proposed chap. XVII.} 1761. June. that England, on recovering Hanover, should refrain from interference. In favor of this policy a large party existed in England itself, and had its head in the king, its open supporter in the Duke of Bedford. The king of Prussia, whose chances of ruin, even with the aid of England, were computed as three to one, knew that George the Third was indifferent to his interests and disliked his character; and his ministers had reported that Bute and the B
ndon the Prussian alliance; and early in February, Bedford, though a member of the chap. XIX.} 1762. cabinet,treasury, the feeblest of British prime ministers. Bedford remained privy seal; Egremont, Grenville's brother-n of plans, early in May Bute was able to submit to Bedford his project. I am glad of the peace as it has been blunt, humane, and honest, but self-willed Duke of Bedford, who, on the sixth day of September, sailed for Fraon from ministry to ministry, limited the powers of Bedford. The angry duke remonstrated to Bute, who just theby promising to ask of the cabinet a restitution to Bedford of his full powers. Are you sure of the cabinet's said he to the king,—which is, to send the Duke of Bedford fixed articles for the preliminaries, upon no evente kept religiously from Spain, and from the Duke of Bedford. Thus the ministry of the hostile power, with whicw on him the implacable displeasure and contempt of Bedford. The consummation of the peace languished and wa
ng British chap. XX.} 1762. statesmen would be selected to establish British authority in the colonies, the king, on the twentysixth of October, offering to return Havana to Spain for either the Floridas or Porto Rico, urged the instant consummation of the treaty. The best dispatch I can receive from you will be these preliminaries signed. May Providence, in compassion to human misery, give you the means of executing this great and noble work. Thus beautifully wrote the young monarch to Bedford, not dazzled by victory, and repressing the thirst for conquest; a rare instance of moderation, of which history must gratefully preserve the record. The terms proposed to the French were severe, and even humiliating. But what can we do? said Choiseul, who in his despair had for a time resigned the foreign department to the Duke de Praslin. The English are furiously imperious; they are drunk with success; and, unfortunately, we are not in a condition to abase their pride. France yield