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not in the forum of humanity. They studied its majorities, to know on which side was the best of the lay in the contest of factions for office. How to meet parliament was the minister's chief solicitude; and sometimes, like the spendthrift at a gaming-table, he would hazard all his political fortunes on its one decision. He valued its approval more than the affections of mankind, and could boast that this servitude, like obedience to the Divine Law, was perfect freedom. Perfect freedom. Burke: Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents. The representation in parliament was manifestly inadequate, and might seem to introduce that unmixed aristocracy which is the worst government under the sun. But the English system was so tempered with popular franchises that faithful history must place it among the very best which the world had seen. If no considerable class desired to introduce open and avowed republicanism, no British statesman of that century had as yet been suspect
erests of the natives in their own soil. Edmund Burke to Sir Hercules Langrishe. 8 Jan. 1792. ve, certainly more than two parts in three, Burke says, more than two to one. Roman Catholics. ensable, exceptionless disqualification. Edmund Burke. In the courts of law, they could not gain s an unalterable and perpetual outlawry. Edmund Burke. The child sent abroad for education, no ma justices without the benefit of a jury. Edmund Burke's Fragment of Act a Tract on the Popery Law from the humbler classes of the people, Edmund Burke's Letter to a Peer in Ireland on the Penal rpetual, applied to every popish priest. Edmund Burke's Fragments of a Tract on the Popery Laws, ample upon, and did not fear to provoke. Edmund Burke to Sir H. Langrishe. Their industry within able to wear a coat of their own fabric. Edmund Burke to ******, &c. ***** & Co. Bristol. Westmives began to be domiciliated in Ireland; Edmund Burke. and with the feeling that the country in w
t year only by Great Britain, and that every article of expense afterwards is to be defrayed by the colonies. and ever after by the colonies themselves. With Edmund Burke Burke's speech on American Taxation. in the gallery for chap. V.} 1763. Mar. one of his hearers, he dazzled country gentlemen by playing before their eyes Burke's speech on American Taxation. in the gallery for chap. V.} 1763. Mar. one of his hearers, he dazzled country gentlemen by playing before their eyes the image of a revenue to be raised in America. The House of Commons listened with complacency to a plan which, at the expense of the colonies, would give twenty new places of colonels, that might be filled by members of their own body. On the Report to the House, Pitt wished only that more troops had been retained in service; the palladium of his country's greatness; and regarded connivance at the breaches of it by the overflowing commerce of the colonies with an exquisite jealousy. Burke's Speech on American Taxation. Placed at the head of the admiralty, he was eager and importunate to unite his official influence, his knowledge of the law, and his
he one of the king's friends, nor did he seek advancement by unworthy flattery of the court. Burke, in his speech on American Taxation. A good lawyer, and trained in the best and most liberal polgh the laborious gradations of public service, by a thorough knowledge of its constitution Edmund Burke. and an indefatigable attention to all its business. Just before his death, after a service istration, he could be no more than the patient and mepthodical executor of plans devolved Edmund Burke on American Taxation. upon him by the statute-book of England or by his predecessors in officrom his own observation. of the colonies, yet his intentions were fair; The best in the world. Burke and the Duke of Grafton both vouch for Grenville's good intentions. for Jackson was a liberal meitter against Shelburne; some of the Rockingham whigs most of all, particularly C. J. Fox and Edmund Burke. of 1763, as became a humane and liberal man; in other respects he was an admirer of CHAP.
was ready to render every assistance, and weighed more than the honest chap. VIII.} 1763 Sept. and independent Jackson. Grenville therefore adopted Walpole's Geo. III., III. 32: Grenville adopted, from Lord Bute, a plan of taxation formed by Jenkinson. the measure which was devolved upon him, and his memory must consent, as he himself consented, that it should be christened by his name. Grenville, in Cavendish. It was certainly Grenville, who first brought this scheme into form. Burke's Speech on American taxation, Works, i. 460. He doubted the propriety of taxing colonies, without allowing them representatives; Knox: Extra-official State Papers, II. 31; and Grenville to Knox, 4 Sept. 1768; and Grenville to T. Pownall. but he loved power, and placed his chief hopes on the favor of parliament; and the parliament of that day contemplated the increased debt of England with terror, knew not that the resources of the country were increasing in a still greater proportion, an
ever the superstition of witchcraft into a credulous and child-like nature. It was his idol; Burke. and he adored it as sacred. Walpole. He held that Colonies are chap IX.} 1763. Oct. only sof large emoluments in case of forfeitures stimulated their natural and irregular vivacity Edmund Burke, in Annual Register VIII. 18, 19. to enforce laws which had become obsolete, and they pouncedGrenville did not propose a requisition on the colonies, or invite them to tax themselves; Edmund Burke's Speech on American Taxation: I have disposed of this falsehood: and it was a falsehood. Whoever wishes to see a most artful attempt to mislead may look at Israel Mauduit's reply to Burke, or as he called him, The Agent for New-York. He seems to say, that Grenville had given the colonies the trouble of the discussion, for I am determined chap. IX.} 1764 April. on the measure. Edmund Burke's Speech on American Taxation, in Works. Am. ed. i. 456. The whole weight of the British
came up, raising the duties on silks, for the benefit of English weavers. In the Commons it had been countenanced by Grenville, who was always the friend of the protective policy; and it had the approval of the king. But Bedford having, like Edmund Burke, caught the more liberal views of political economy which were then beginning to prevail, especially in France and in Scotland, spoke on the side of freedom of trade; and the bill was refused a second reading. The silk weavers were exasperao Rockingham and Newcastle, both of whom were zealous for the proposed change. The Earl of Albemarle, therefore, communicated, in his name, with Pitt, who terminated a conversation of four hours without an engagement, yet without a negative. Edmund Burke, as he watched the negotiation, complained of Pitt's hesitancy, and derided his fustian. Temple and Grafton were summoned to town. Of Grafton, Cumberland asked, if a ministry could be formed out of the minority, without Pitt; and received
eir acknowledged standard-bearer. His deficiencies in knowledge and in rhetoric, the minister compensated by selecting as his secretary and intimate friend Edmund Burke, who had recently es- chap. XV.} 1765. July. caped from the service of one of the opposite party, and from a pension bestowed by Halifax. It was characteristic of that period for a man like Rockingham to hold for life a retainer like Edmund Burke; and never did a true-hearted, kindly and generous patron find a more faithful adherent. He brought to his employer, and gave up to his party, all that he had—boundless stores of knowledge, especially respecting the colonies, wit, philosophy paymaster, threw the seals of the southern department and America, at the very last moment, into the hands of Conway. The new secretary, like Shelburne and Edmund Burke, was an Irishman, and, therefore, disposed to have very just notions of the colonies. His tem- chap. XV.} 1765. July. per was mild and moderate; in his inqu
retary. If ever one man lived more zealous than another for the supremacy of parliament, and the rights of the imperial crown, it was chap. XXI.} 1766. Jan. Edmund Burke. He was the advocate of an unlimited legislative power over the colonies. He saw not how the power of taxation could be given up, without giving up the rest.s on the question of the right of taxation; and the ministry conformed to the opinion, which was that of Charles Yorke, the Attorney-General, and still more of Edmund Burke. Neglected by Rockingham, hated by the aristocracy, and feared by the king, Pitt pursued his career alone. In the quiet of confidential intercourse, he inqeadily on him, with an air of most marked contempt, from which Norton, abashed or chagrined, knew no escape, but by an appeal for protection to the speaker. Edmund Burke speaking for the first time in the House of Commons, advocated the reception of the petition, as in itself an acknowledgment of the jurisdiction of the house;
half-conscious of the fatality of its decision, was so awed by the overhanging shadow of coming events that it seemed to shrink from pronouncing its opinion. Edmund Burke, eager to add glory as an orator to his just renown as an author, argued for England's right in such a manner, that the strongest friends of power declared hisned, chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. the rightfulness of his policy was affirmed; and he was judged to have proceeded in conformity with the constitution. Thus did Edmund Burke and the Rockingham ministry on that night lead Mansfield, Northington, and the gentlemen of the long robe, to found the new tory party of England, and recover been, and was not responsible; that the doctrine of representation was not in the bill of rights. The tory party, with George the Third at its head, accepted from Burke and Rockingham the creed which Grenville claimed to be the whiggism of the revolution of 1688, and Mansfield the British constitution of his times. In England,
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