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ire, to Dr. Langdon, as narrated in Gordon's American Revolution, i. 142-144. Compare also Richard Jackson to Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson, 18 Nov. 1766. Charles Townshend has often turned that mhnson, of Connecticut, sent, in 1760, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Seeker to Johnson. R. Jackson to Hutchinson, 13 Aug. 1764, and Hutchinson to Jackson, 15 October, 1764, relate to the same scircumstances. The stamp act was not originally Mr. Grenville's. Such is the testimony of Richard Jackson, in a letter to Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson of 26 December, 1765, quoted in Gordon's Hished for it there in vain. Yet I see no reason for doubting the accuracy of the quotation. Richard Jackson, from his upright character and his position as a friend of Grenville, and soon as a confid at large, VII. 443. 3 George III. chap. XXII. Lieut. Governor Hutchinson's private letter to R. Jackson, 17 Sept. departments of public offices, and to 1763. Admiral Colville to Lieut.; Gov. Colden,
nd obstinacy, established him. For the joint secretary of the treasury he selected an able and sensible lawyer, Thomas Whately, in whom he obtained a firm defender and political friend. His own secretary as Chancellor of the Exchequer was Richard Jackson; and the choice CHAP. VI.} 1763. April. is very strong evidence that though he entered upon his task blindly, as it proved, and in ignorance That Grenville was very ignorant as to the colonies we have a witness in Knox, who himself had held office in Georgia, and knew America from his own observation. of the colonies, yet his intentions were fair; The best in the world. Burke and the Duke of Grafton both vouch for Grenville's good intentions. for Jackson was a liberal member of the House of Commons, a good lawyer, not eager to increase his affluent fortune, frank, independent, and abhorring intrigue. He was, moreover, better acquainted with the state of America, and exercised a sounder judgment on questions of colonial adm
sign, a sergeant, and perhaps fourteen men; and were stationed at points so widely remote from one another, that, lost in the boundless woods, they could no more be discerned than a little fleet of canoes scattered over the whole Atlantic, too minute to be perceptible, and safe only during fair weather. Yet, feeble as they were, their presence alarmed the red man, for it implied the design to occupy the country which for ages had been chap. VII.} 1763. May. his own. Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, August, 1763. His canoe could no longer quiver on the bosom of the St. Mary's, or pass into the clear waters of Lake Huron, or paddle through the strait that connects Huron and Erie, or cross from the waters of the St. Lawrence to those of the Ohio, without passing by the British flag. By what right was that banner unfurled in the west? What claim to the red man's forest could the English derive from victories over the French? The French had won the affection of the savages by the
ituents, he made a merit of cheerful submission to the ministerial policy. One man in Grenville's office, and one man only, did indeed give him sound advice; Richard Jackson, Richard Jackson to Jared Ingersoll, 22 March, 1766, in Letters of Ingersoll, 43: I was never myself privy to any measures taken with respect to the stamp Richard Jackson to Jared Ingersoll, 22 March, 1766, in Letters of Ingersoll, 43: I was never myself privy to any measures taken with respect to the stamp act, after having formally declined giving any other advice on the subject, excepting that I had always given, to lay the project aside. his Secretary as Chancellor of the Exchequer, advised him to lay the project aside, and refused to take any part in preparing or supporting it. But Jenkinson, his Secretary of the Treasury, was ready to render every assistance, and weighed more than the honest chap. VIII.} 1763 Sept. and independent Jackson. Grenville therefore adopted Walpole's Geo. III., III. 32: Grenville adopted, from Lord Bute, a plan of taxation formed by Jenkinson. the measure which was devolved upon him, and his memory must consent, as he hims
ty of his mind revolted at this connivance. It pleased his austere vanity to be the first and only minister to insist on enforcing the laws, Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, Grenville's Secretary in the Exchequer, Sept. 1763: The real cause of the illicit trade in this province has been the indulgence of the officers of the custo to the Stamp-Act, after having formally declined giving any other advice on the subject, excepting that which he had always given, to lay the project aside. R. Jackson to Jared Ingersoll, 22 March, 1766. Lord Hillsborough, Hillsborough's own statement, made to W. S. Johnson, of Connecticut. too, then first Lord of the Boardt Thomas Penn, one of the proprietaries of Pennsylvania, with Allen, a loyal American, then Chief Justice of Pennsylvania under a proprietary appointment, and Richard Jackson, sought an interview with Grenville. They seem to have offered no objection to the intended new act of trade; but reasoned against entering on a system of di
ved the plan of a Stamp tax.—Grenville's administration continued. April—December, 1764. No sooner was parliament up, than Jenkinson pressed chap. X.} 1764. April. on Grenville to forward the American stamp-act, by seeking that further information, the want of which he had assigned as a reason for not going on with it. But the treasury had no mode of direct communication with the colonies, and the Secretary of State had no mind to consult them. For the moment nothing was done, though Jackson wrote to Hutchinson of Massachusetts for his opinion on the rights of the colonists and the late proceedings respecting them. Meantime the officers of France, as they made their last journey through Canada, and down the valley of the Mississippi, as they gazed on the magnificence of the country, and on every side received the expressions of passionate attachment from the many tribes of red men, cast a wistful and lingering look upon the empire which they were ceding. Aubry an Ministre,
ay will be lost, but will be in danger; and they cannot be injured without danger to the liberties of Great Britain. R. Jackson's Letter of 7 June, 1765, in Connecticut Gazette, of 9 Aug. 1765. Knox's Extra-official State Papers, II. 31. R. JacksR. Jackson to William Johnson, 5 April, 1774, and 30 November, 1784. Thus calmly reasoned Jackson. Grenville urged chap. XI.} 1765. Feb. the house not to suffer themselves to be moved by resentment. One member, however, referred with asperity to the v in their superior wisdom, shall pass the act, we must submit, wrote Fitch, the governor Governor Thomas Fitch to Richard Jackson. Norwalk, 23 Feb. 1765. of Connecticut, elected by the people, to Jackson. It can be of no purpose to claim a righJackson. It can be of no purpose to claim a right of exemption, thought Hutchinson. It will fall particularly hard on us lawyers and printers, wrote Franklin Franklin to Ross, 14 Feb. 1765. to a friend in Philadelphia, never doubting it would go into effect, and looking for relief to the rapi
parliament would do towards raising the sums which the colonies were to pay, and which as yet were not half provided for. Hutchinson to I. Williams, 26 April 1775. Openly espousing the defence of the act as legally right, Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, 30 Aug. 1765. in his charges, as Chief Justice, he admonished the jurors and people of the several counties to obey. Hutchinson to Secretary of State, 10 Oct. 1765. Nor did the result seem doubtful. There could be no danger but from unie Stamp Act, he assured the ministry, five weeks after the news of its passage, is received among us with as much decency as could be expected; it leaves no room for evasion, and will execute itself. Hutchinson to a friend, 4 March, 1765: to R. Jackson, 5 May, 4 and 5 June, 1765. Yet the opposition to its execution was preparing, and in theory it was at once rejected. Should Great Britain tax Ireland, inquired a plain New England yeoman early in May, through chap. XIII.} 1765. May.
proceedings, and pledged themselves to one another to suppress the like disorders for the future. I had rather lose my hand, said Mayhew, than encourage such outrages; and Samuel Adams agreed with him; but they, and nearly all the townsmen, and the whole continent, applauded the proceedings of the fourteenth of August; and the elm, beneath which the people had on that day assembled, was solemnly named the Tree of Liberty. The officers of the crown were terror-stricken. Hutchinson to R. Jackson, 30 Aug. 1765. The Attorney-General did not dare to sleep in his own house, nor two nights together in the same place; and for ten days could not be got sight of. Several chap. XVI.} 1765. Aug. persons who thought themselves obnoxious, left their houses and removed their goods. Hutchinson fled to the castle, wretched from anxiety and constant agitation of mind. His despair dates from that moment. He saw that England had placed itself towards the colonies in the dilemma, that, if parli
of all America, confessing their inability to stop the anarchy, capitulated to the municipal body which represented the people. The stamps were taken to the City Hall; the city government restored order; the press continued its activity, and in all the streets was heard the shout of Liberty, Property, and no Stamps. The thirst for revenge rankled in Colden's breast. The lawyers, he wrote to Conway, at a time when the government in England was still bent on enforcing the Stamp Act, R. Jackson to Bernard, 8 Nov. 1765. the lawyers of this place are the authors and conductors of the present sedition. If judges be sent from England, with an able Attorney- chap. XIX.} 1765. Nov. General and Solicitor-General, to make examples of some very few, this colony will remain quiet. Others of his letters pointed plainly to John Morin Scott, Robert R. Livingston, and William Livingston, as suitable victims. At the same time, some of the churchmen avowed to one another their longing to se