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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,788 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 514 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 260 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 194 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 168 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore) 166 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 152 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 150 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 132 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 122 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) or search for Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) in all documents.

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Heart of Oak Protestants of Ulster, weary of strife with their landlords, came over in great numbers; James Gordon's History of Ireland, II. 241. and settlements on the Catawba, in South Carolina, dated from that epoch. The parents of Andrew Jackson, the late President of the United States, reached South Carolina in 1764. At different times in the eighteenth century, some had found homes in New-England, but they were most numerous south of New-York, from New-Jersey to Georgia. In Pennsylvania they peopled many coun- chap. IV.} 1763. ties, till, in public life, they already balanced the influence of the Quakers. In Virginia, they went up the valley of the Shenandoah; and they extended themselves along the tributaries of the Catawba, in the beautiful upland region of North Carolina. Their training in Ireland had kept the spirit of liberty and the readiness to resist unjust government as fresh in their hearts, as though they had just been listening to the preachings of Knox, o
be the instrument to carry his long cherished opinions of British omnipotence into effect.—There was the self-willed, hot-tempered Egremont, using the patronage of his office to enrich his family and friends; the same who had menaced Maryland, Pennsylvania and North Carolina—obstinate and impatient of contradiction, ignorant of business, passionate, and capable of cruelty in chap. V.} 1763. Feb, defence of authority; at variance with Bute, and speaking of his colleague, the Duke of Bedford, a measures with unscrupulous speed. No man in the House of Commons was thought to know America so well; no one was so resolved on making a thorough change in its constitutions and government. What schemes he will form, said the proprietary of Pennsylvania, Thomas Penn to James Hamil ton, 11 Feb. 1763. we shall soon see. But there was no disguise about his schemes. He was always for making thorough work of it with the colonies. James the Second, in attempting the introduction of what was
ions were fair; The best in the world. Burke and the Duke of Grafton both vouch for Grenville's good intentions. for Jackson was a liberal member of the House of Commons, a good lawyer, not eager to increase his affluent fortune, frank, independent, and abhorring intrigue. He was, moreover, better acquainted with the state of America, and exercised a sounder judgment on questions of colonial administration, than, perhaps, any man in England. His excellent character led Connecticut and Pennsylvania to make him their agent; and he gave the latter province even better advice than Franklin himself. He was always able to combine affection for England with uprightness and fidelity to his American employers. To a mind like Grenville's, the protective system had irresistible attractions. He saw in trade the foundation of the wealth and power of his country, and embraced all the prejudices of the mercantile system; he wished by regulations and control to advance the commerce and public
e protection of the country. This policy, from which it would not swerve, excited the utmost anger in the officers of the army. Lieut. Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania to Gen. Amherst, 7 July, 1763. Amherst to Hamilton in reply, 9 July, 1763. Hamilton to Amherst, 11 July. Amherst to Hamilton, 16 July. Lieut. Colonel Robert the Provinces assisted us, this would have been the favorable moment to have crushed the barbarians, a service we cannot effect with our forces alone. against Pennsylvania brought upon it once chap. VII.} 1763. June. more the censure of the king Secretary of State to Amherst, October, 1763. for its supine and neglectful condrm in the purpose of keeping up an army in America, and substituting taxes by parliament for requisitions by the crown. So the general, with little aid from Pennsylvania, took measures for the relief of the West. The fortifications of Fort Pitt had never been finished, and the floods had opened it on three sides. But the brav
ght under the charter of their native colony was in conflict with the territorial jurisdiction of the proprietaries of Pennsylvania. The mild climate of the south drew the herdsmen till further into the interior. In defiance of reiterated royal mans, and yet gratify the landed gentry. It was under such circumstances that Thomas Penn, one of the proprietaries of Pennsylvania, with Allen, a loyal American, then Chief Justice of Pennsylvania under a proprietary appointment, and Richard JacksonPennsylvania under a proprietary appointment, and Richard Jackson, sought an interview with Grenville. They seem to have offered no objection to the intended new act of trade; but reasoned against entering on a system of direct taxation. The stamp-duty, they said, was an internal regulation; and they entreated thether we shall succeed is not certain. However, a few days will determine. Thomas Penn, one of the proprietaries of Pennsylvania, to James Hamilton, the Lieutenant-Governor. London, 9 March, 1764. The original is in the possession of our America
ch, with other invaluable papers, were communicated to me by my friend, the present Bishop of Pennsylvania. exclaimed one citizen; I will drink no wine, echoed another, angry that wine must pay a new proprietaries, believing it could be done without detriment to the established privileges of Pennsylvania. A petition for the change was adopted by a large majority; but when in summer the policy te arose, in which Franklin took the lead. It was argued, that, during the war the people of Pennsylvania had granted more than their proportion, and were ever ready to grant sums suitable to their angland with the sacred charge of the liberties of his country in his custody. At that time Pennsylvania was employing her men and her treasure to defend the West. To secure a firm peace with the ular army was feeble, and could furnish scarcely five hundred men, most of them Highlanders. Pennsylvania, at her own charge, added a thousand, and Virginia contributed a corps of volunteers. These
Grenville was more obstinate and more cool, Feb. abounding in gentle words. The agents of the colonies had several meetings among themselves; and on Saturday, the second of February, Franklin, with Ingersoll, Jackson and Garth, as agents for Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and South Carolina, waited on the minister, to remonstrate in behalf of America, against taxation of the colonies by parliament, and to propose, that if they were to be taxed, they might be invited to tax themselves. I take no pt now pursuing to lay such tax. If you can tell of a better, I will adopt it. Franklin pleaded for the usual method, by the king's requisition, through the Secre- chap. XI.} 1765. Feb. tary of State; and he put into his hands the pledge, of Pennsylvania to respect the demand when so made. Can you agree, rejoined Grenville, on the proportions each colony should raise To this they could only answer, no; on which he remarked, that the stamp act would adapt itself to the number and increase of t
her dyeing woods; nor molasses, nor rice, with some exceptions; nor beaver, nor peltry, nor copper ore, nor pitch, nor tar, nor turpentine, nor masts, nor yards, nor bow- chap. XII.} 1765 May. sprits, nor coffee, nor pimento, nor cocoa-nuts, nor whale-fins, nor raw silk, nor hides, nor skins, nor pot and pearl ashes, to any place but Great Britain, not even to Ireland. Nor might any foreign ship enter a colonial harbor. Salt might be imported from any place into New England, New York, Pennsylvania, and Quebec; wines might be imported from the Madeiras and the Azores, but were to pay a duty in American ports for the British exchequer; and victuals, horses, and servants might be brought from Ireland. In all other respects, Great Britain was not only the sole market for the products of America, but the only storehouse for its supplies. Lest the colonists should multiply their flocks of sheep, and weave their own cloth, they might not use a ship, nor a boat, nor a carriage, nor even
f our being virtually represented in parliament. It is an insult on common sense to say it, repeated the Presbyterian ministers of the middle states to the Calvinist ministers of New England. Are persons chosen for the representatives of London and Bristol, in like manner chosen to be the representatives of Philadelphia or Boston? Have two men chosen to represent a poor borough in England, that has sold its votes to the highest bidder, any pretence to say that they represent Virginia or Pennsylvania? And have four hundred such fellows a right to take our liberties? F. Alison to E. Stiles. But it was argued again and again: Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, like America, return no members. Why, rejoined Otis, and his answer won immediate applause in England, Monthly Review. why ring everlasting changes to the colonists on them? If they are not represented, they ought to be. Every man of a sound mind, he continued, should have his vote. Ah, but, replied the royalist
65. Oct. some forbearance; but his written promise was extorted, not to do any thing that should have the least tendency to put the Stamp Act into execution in Pennsylvania or Delaware; and he announced to the governor his resignation. If Great Britain can or will suffer such conduct to pass unpunished, thus he wrote to the Commith America is at an end. On Monday, the seventh of October, delegates chosen by the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, of Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and South Carolina; delegates named by a written requisition from the individual representatives of Delaware and New Jersey, and the legislative Comes being empowered to do so, namely; all the delegates from Massachusetts, except Ruggles; all from New Jersey, except Ogden; all those of Rhode Island; all of Pennsylvania, excepting Dickinson, who was absent but adhered; all of Delaware; and all of Maryland, with the virtual assent of New Hampshire, Connecticut, New-York, South
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