Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) or search for Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) in all documents.

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, and Seeker to Johnson. R. Jackson to Hutchinson, 13 Aug. 1764, and Hutchinson to Jackson, 15 October, 1764, relate to the same subject. The purpose against Rhode Island and Connecticut was transmitted through successive ministries till the Declaration of Independence. be substituted in their stead. The little republics of Connecticut and Rhode Island, which Clarendon had cherished, and every ministry of Charles II. had spared, were no longer safe. A new territorial arrangement of provinces was in contemplation; Massachusetts itself was to be restrained in its boundaries, as well as made more dependent on the king. This arbitrary policy required an orians and writers of memoirs at the time. The ministry itself was not aware of what it was doing. And had some seer risen up to foretell that the charter of Rhode Island derived from its popular character a vitality that would outlast the unreformed House of Commons, the faithful prophet would have been scoffed at as a visionar
ikely to shake the power and independence of Great Britain. The people of Rhode Island, headed by Stephen Hopkins, the governor of their own choice, proceeded morer liberties with spirit, and devise a method of union. The proposition of Rhode Island was received with joy by the assembly of Pennsylvania. The complaints of thlaced in him unabated confidence, and conforming to the happy suggestions of Rhode Island, they proceeded to an act which in its consequences was to influence the wortime for this business was now come The two republics of Connecticut and Rhode Island were to be dissolved; the government of New-York extended as far as Connecti on the king. Rev. Dr. S. Johnson to Archbishop Seeker, 20 Sept. 1764. In Rhode Island also, the few royalists made known in England their wish for a change of gov5, in Providence Gazette of 23 Feb. 1765. Compare Hutchinson to a friend in Rhode Island, 16 March, 1765, in Hutchinson's Letter Book, II. 132. The ministry, in
inia. A third from South Carolina, a fourth from Connecticut, though expressed in the most moderate language; a fifth from Massachusetts, though silent even about the question of right, all shared the same refusal. J. Mauduit's letter, 19 Feb. 1765. Journals of the House. That from New-York no one could be prevailed upon to offer. Ingersoll's Letters, 21. Letter of Charles, the agent for New-York, to the New-York Committee, 9 Feb. 1765. Ms. Memorandum of Geo. Chalmers. That from Rhode Island, offered by Sherwood, its faithful agent, claimed by their charter, under a royal promise, equal rights with their fellow-subjects in Great Britain; and insisted that the colony had faithfully kept their part of the compact; but it was as little heeded as the rest. The House of Commons would neither receive petitions nor hear chap. XI.} 1765. Feb. counsel. . All the efforts of the agents of the colonies were fruitless. Within doors less resistance was made to the act than to a comm
despair, are the most dangerous of any next to the military, and he lamented that, as yet, the faction could not be crushed. Golden to Halifax, 22 Feb. and 27 April, 1765. Still New-York continued tranquil. New England, where the chief writer against the impending Stamp Act had admitted the jurisdiction of the British parliament, was slow to anger. The child of Old England, she was 10th to impute to the parent country a fixed design to subvert her rights. The patriot Hopkins of Rhode Island, had written, and that colony had chap. XIII.} 1765. April. authoritatively published their common belief, that the glorious constitution of Great Britain is the best that ever existed among men. Such was the universal opinion. Massachusetts had been led to rely on the inviolability of English freedom, and on the equity of parliament; and, when the blow fell, which, though visibly foreshown, had not been certainly expected, the people looked upon their liberties as gone, giving way fo
high or low, but it is against the franchises of the land for freemen to be taxed but by their own consent in parliament. If the people in America are to be taxed by the representatives of the people in England, their malady, said Hopkins, of Rhode Island, is an increasing evil, that must always grow greater by time. When the parliament once begins, such was the discourse at Boston, there is no drawing a line. And it is only the first step, repeated the New-York owners of large estates; a lap Act by all lawful means. Hope began to rise, that American rights and liberties might safely be trusted to the watchfulness of a united continent. The insolence of the royal officers provoked to insulated acts of resistance The people of Rhode Island, angry with the commander of a ship of war, who had boarded their vessels and impressed their seamen, seized his boat, and burned it on Newport Letter from Newport, June, 1765. Common. Men of New England, of a superior sort, had obtained
houses and removed their goods. Hutchinson fled to the castle, wretched from anxiety and constant agitation of mind. His despair dates from that moment. He saw that England had placed itself towards the colonies in the dilemma, that, if parliament should make concessions, their authority would be lost; if they used external force, affection was alienated for ever. We are not bound to yield obedience, voted the freemen of Providence, echoing the resolves of Virginia. The patriots of Rhode Island, remembering the renowned founders of the colonies, thanked God, that their pleasant homes in the western world abounded in the means of defence. Providence Gaz. Ex., 24 August, 1765. Lloyd's Conduct, 90, 91. That little turbulent colony, reported Gage, Gage to Lee, Sept. 1765. raised their mob likewise. And on the twenty-eighth day of August, after destroying the house and furniture of one Howard, who had written, and of one Moffat, who had spoken in favor of the power of parliam
sioners of Stamps, a man need not be a prophet, nor the son of a prophet, to see clearly that her empire in North America is at an end. On Monday, the seventh of October, delegates chosen by the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, of Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and South Carolina; delegates named by a written requisition from the individual representatives of Delaware and New Jersey, and the legislative Committee of Correspondence of New-York, met at New-York, in accession of George the Third, the Congress assembled for the last time, and the delegates of six colonies being empowered to do so, namely; all the delegates from Massachusetts, except Ruggles; all from New Jersey, except Ogden; all those of Rhode Island; all of Pennsylvania, excepting Dickinson, who was absent but adhered; all of Delaware; and all of Maryland, with the virtual assent of New Hampshire, Connecticut, New-York, South Carolina, and Georgia, set their hands to the papers, by which
t the five hundred that coerced Ingersoll at Wethersfield; had talked of the public spirit in the language of an enemy; had said that the Act must go down; that forty regulars could guard the stamp papers; and that the American conduct would bring from home violent measures and the loss of charters; and he resolved to comply; E. Stiles' Diary. on which Pitkin, Trumbull, and Dyer, truly representing the sentiments of Connecticut, rose with indignation and left the room. The governor of Rhode Island stood alone in his patriotic refusal. But every where, either quietly of themselves, or at the instance of the people, amidst shouts and the ringing of bells and the firing of cannon, or as in Virginia, with rage changing into courtesy on the prompt submission of the Stamp master, or as at Charleston, with the upraising of the flag of liberty, surmounted by a branch of laurel—everywhere the officers resigned. There remained not one person duly commissioned to distribute stamps. Som
Lieutenant Governor, pleading the necessity of the case, himself sanctioned opening the port of Charleston. At New-York, the head quarters of the army, an attempt was made by the men of war to detain vessels ready for sea. The people rose in anger, and the naval commander, becoming alarmed by the danger of riots, left the road from New-York to the ocean once more free, as it was from every other harbor in the thirteen colonies. It was next attempted to open the executive courts. In Rhode Island, all public officers, judges among the rest, continued to transact business. In New-York, the judges would willingly have held their terms, but were restrained by a menace of dismissal chap XX.} 1765. Dec. from office. In Boston, this question was agitated with determined zeal; but first the people dealt with Andrew Oliver, who had received his commission as stampman. On the very day, and almost at the hour when the King was proceeding in state to the House of Lords to open parliam
ce of their good angel, or their saviour. Besides many shorter accounts of this speech of Pitt, and the account in Political Debates, and in Walpole, I have the Precis, preserved in the French Archives, and a pretty full report by Moffat of Rhode Island, who was present. I approve the address in answer to the king's speech, for it decides nothing, and leaves every member free to act as he will. Such was his opening sarcasm. The notice given to parliament of the troubles was not earlgood will, and the Speaker caused the substance of the whole paper to be entered on the journals. The reading of papers and examination of witnesses continued during the month, in the utmost secrecy. The evidence especially of the riots in Rhode Island and New-York, produced a very unfavorable effect. On the last day of January the weakness of chap. XXI.} 1766. Jan. the ministry appeared on a division respecting an election for some of the boroughs in Scotland; in a very full house they h
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