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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 58 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 10 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition.. You can also browse the collection for British King or search for British King in all documents.

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command knew not how to resolve. Once, at Grafton's earnest solicitation, Charles Townshend was permitted to attend a consultation on European alliances. Grafton's Autobiography. The next day Chatham, with the cheerful consent of the King, King to Chatham, 25 Sept. 1766; Chat. Corr. III. 75. retreated to Bath; but its springs had no healing for him. He desired to control France by a northern union; and stood before Europe without one power as an ally. He loved to give the law to the Cass and applaud the greatest step in this progress; shall see insurgent colonies become a Republic, and welcome before Paris and the Academy of France a runaway apprentice as its envoy to the most polished Court of Europe. Meantime Choiseul dismissed from the Council of his King all former theories about America, alike in policy and war; Choiseul to Durand, 15 Sept. 1766. and looked more nearly into the condition of the British colonies, that his new system might rest on the surest ground.
unt of his headstrong removal of Lord Edgecombe from an unimportant post. Charles Townshend to Grafton, 2 Nov. 1766, in Grafton's Autobiography; Conway to Chatham, 22 Nov. 1766, Chat. Corr. III. 126. Saunders and Keppel left the Admiralty, and Keppel's place fell to Jenkinson. The Bedford party knew the weakness of the English Ximenes, and scorned to accept his moderate bid for recruits. But the King continually cheered him on to rout out the Grandees of England, now banded together. King to Chatham, 2 Dec. 1766. Their unions, said Chatham in return, give me no terrors. I know my ground, he wrote to Grafton; Chatham to Grafton, 3 Dec. 1766, in Grafton's Autobiography. and I leave them to indulge their dreams. Faction will not shake the King nor gain the public. Indeed, the King is firm, and there is nothing to fear; and he risked an encounter with all his adversaries. To Shelburne, who was charged with the care of the Colonies, he gave his confidence and his support.
t a due obedience and submission to law must in all cases go before the removal of grievances. Otherwise, said he, we shall soon be no better than the savages. King to Conway, 20 Sept. 1766, 8 minutes past 9 P. M. He was now accustomed to talk a great deal about America; Bristol to Chatham, 9 Feb. 1767; Chat. Corr. III. 19lity at but about nine pence in the pound. On Friday, the twenty-seventh of February, Even in Grenville's Diary dates can be wrong. Grenville Papers, IV. 211; King to Conway, 27 Feb. 1767, in Albemarle, II. 430; Grafton to Chatham, 28 Feb.; King to Chatham, 3 March. Dowdeswell, the leader of the Rockingham party, regardless oKing to Chatham, 3 March. Dowdeswell, the leader of the Rockingham party, regardless of his own policy when in the treasury and his knowledge of the public wants, proposed a reduction in the land tax, nominally of a shilling, but really of only about nine farthings in the pound. Grenville, with more consistency, supported Guerchy to Choiseul, 3 March, 1767. the proposal, which, it was generally thought, must br
ability. Chatham Corr. III. 255-260. The King himself intervened by a letter, framed with cool and well considered adroitness, but which seemed an effusion of confidence and affection. In the House of Lords the Earl had given an open defiance to the whole nobility; and the King charged him by his duty, affection, and honor, not to truckle now, when the hydra was at the height of its power. For success, nothing was wanted but that he should have five minutes conversation with Grafton. King to Chatham, 30 May, 1767, 34 m. past 2, and 35 m. past 8 p. m. Chat. Corr. III. 260-264. Chatham yielded to such persuasion; though suffering from a universal tremor, which application to business visibly increased. De Guerchy to Choiseul, 10 June, 1767. Grafton was filled with grief at the sight of his great mind, bowed down and thus weakened by disorder; Grafton's Autobiography. but he obtained from him the declaration, that he would not retire except by his majesty's command.
ll human law. It perfectly reconciles the true interest and happiness of every individual, with the true interest and happiness of the universal whole. The laws and constitution of the English Government are the best in the world, because they approach nearest to the laws God has established in our nature. Those who have attempted this barbarous violation of the most sacred rights of their country, deserve the name of rebels and traitors, not only against the laws of their country and their King, but against Heaven itself. Province called to province. A revolution must Chap. XXX.} 1767. Oct. inevitably ensue, said a great student of scripture prophecies, B. Gale of Killingworth to Ezra Stiles, 15 Oct. 1767. in a village of Connecticut. We have discouraging tidings from a mother country, thought Trumbull. The L. Governor of Connecticut to the Agent of Connecticut in London, 17 November, 1767. The Americans have been firmly attached to Great Britain; nothing but severity
disputed returns exceeded all precedent; as did the riots, into which a misguided populace, indulged once every seven years with the privilege Chap. Xxxiii} 1768. April. of an election, had been enticed. The first incident in the history of this Parliament, was an unexampled interference of the Court. Wilkes represented Westminster. I think it highly proper to apprise you that the expulsion of Wilkes appears to be very essential, and must be effected, wrote the King to Lord North, King to Lord North, 25 April, 1768. who stood ready to obey the peremptory and unconstitutional mandate. At the opening, the great question was raised, May. if strangers should be excluded from the debates. It has always been my opinion, said Barrington, that strangers should not be allowed to hear them. Strangers are entitled to hear them, replied Seymour. I ever wished, said Grenville, to have what is done here, well known. The people no longer acquiesced in the secrecy of the proceeding
education but travelling through France, from whence they return full of the slavish principles of that country. They know nothing of business when they come into their offices, and do not stay long enough in them to acquire that little knowledge which is gained by experience; so that all business is really done by the clerks. He passed an encomium on Oliver Cromwell, and extolled the times preceding his advancement, and particularly the sentence pronounced by the people of England on their King, contrasting the days of the Puritans with the present days, when the people of England no longer knew the rights of Englishmen. He praised, in the highest language, the elegant, pure, and nervous Petition to the King, adopted the last session by the Assembly, but Chap. XXXIV.} 1768. June. rejected by the Minister. And showing the impossibility of their consenting to rescind measures of an Assembly which had ceased to exist, measures which had already been executed, measures which they m
ing forms of government. It was not reverence for Kings, he would say, that brought the ancestors of New England to America. They fled from Kings and bishops, and looked up to the King of Kings. We are free, therefore, he concluded, and want no King. Affidavits in the State-paper Office London. The times were never better in Rome, than when they had no King and were a free State. As he reflected on the extent of the Colonies in America, he saw the vast empire that was forming, and was conKing and were a free State. As he reflected on the extent of the Colonies in America, he saw the vast empire that was forming, and was conscious it must fashion its own institutions, and reform those of England. But at this time Massachusetts had no representative body. Bernard had hinted, that instructions might be given to forbid the calling of the Assembly even at the annual period in May; and to reduce the Province to submission by the indefinite suspension of its Legislature. Was there no remedy? The men of Boston and the villages round about it were ready to spring to arms. But of what use were unconnected movements?
pprehensive that Lord Shelburne's dismissal would make a deep impression upon Lord Chatham's mind, yet I did not expect this sudden resignation. the resignation of Chatham instantly followed. Grafton and the King interposed with solicitations; King to Chatham, 4 Oct. 1768 Chatham Corr. III. 343. but even the hope of triumphing over the aristocracy had lost its seductive power; and the Earl remained inflexible. Camden knew that he ought to have retired also; Camden to Chatham, 20 March, ncil, in spite of the protest of Aubry; and when the French flag was displayed on the public square, children and women ran up to kiss its folds; and it was raised by nine hundred men, amidst shouts of Long live the King of France; we will have no King but him. Aubry to Lieut. Gov. Brown at Pensacola, 11 November, 1768. Compare Foucault to the Minister, 22 Nov. 1768, and the Paper published by Denis Braud, reprinted in Pittman's Mississippi: Appendix. Ulloa retreated to Havana, and sent his
March, 1770, and 8 June, 1770; in Franklin's Writings, VII. 467, 475. He wished, and at that time intended, to extend the proposal to the repeal of the other duties, Lord North in Cavendish Debates, i. 485. and he never surrendered himself to the party of the Bedfords. But it was the King's fixed rule, never to redress a grievance, unless the prayer for it was made in the spirit of obedience; and then and for years after, he held that there must always be one tax to keep up the right. King to Lord North, communicated to me by Lady Charlotte Lindsay. He was so much dissatisfied with Grafton's vote on this occasion, that from that time he was more forward to dictate his will to the Duke, than to inquire first the Duke's opinion on any measure; Grafton's Autobiography, III. 34. and Lord Camden also sank much in the royal estimation. Grafton's Autobiography, III. 34. The most questionable acts of Lord North's public career, proceeded from an amiable weakness, which followed h
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