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John Penn (search for this): chapter 3
k was read aloud, as well Chap. II.} 1774. as the letters from Boston. Two measures were thus brought under discussion; that of New York for a congress; that of Boston for an immediate cessation of trade. The latter proposition was received with loud and general murmurs. Dickinson conciliated the wavering merchants by expressing himself strongly against it; but he was heard with applause as he spoke for a general congress. He insisted, however, on a preliminary petition to his friend, John Penn, the proprietary governor, to call together the legislature of the colony. This request every one knew would be refused. But then, reasoned Mifflin and the ardent politicians, a committee of correspondence, after the model of Boston, must, in consequence of the refusal, be named for the several counties in the province. Delegates will thus be appointed to a general congress, and when the colonies are once united in councils, what may they not effect? At an early hour Dickinson retired
Charles Thomson (search for this): chapter 3
f Isaac Low as its chairman, who was more of a loyalist than a patriot. The letter from the New York Sons of Liberty had been received in Philadelphia; and when on the nineteenth the messenger from Boston arrived with despatches, he found Charles Thomson, Thomas Mifflin, Joseph Reed and others, ready to call a public meeting on the evening of the next day. On the morning of the twentieth, the king gave in person his assent to the act which made the British commander-in-chief in America, hct to drag them by their own violence into mad measures, they will be left to perish by themselves, despised by their enemies, and almost detested by their friends. Having matured his scheme in the solitude of his retreat, he received at dinner Thomson, Mifflin, and Reed; who, for the sake of his public cooperation, acquiesced in his delays. In the evening, about three hundred of the principal citizens of Philadelphia assembled in the Long Room of the City Tavern. The letter from the Sons
Thomas Mifflin (search for this): chapter 3
der in which they would rule. But on Chap. II.} 1774. May. that day they chose to follow the wealthier class, if it would but make with them a common cause; and the nomination of the committee was accepted, even with the addition of Isaac Low as its chairman, who was more of a loyalist than a patriot. The letter from the New York Sons of Liberty had been received in Philadelphia; and when on the nineteenth the messenger from Boston arrived with despatches, he found Charles Thomson, Thomas Mifflin, Joseph Reed and others, ready to call a public meeting on the evening of the next day. On the morning of the twentieth, the king gave in person his assent to the act which made the British commander-in-chief in America, his army, and the civil officers, no longer amenable to American courts of justice; and also to that which mutilated the charter of Massachusetts, and destroyed the freedom of its town meetings. The law, said Garnier, the French minister, must either lead to the comp
meeting, of which the spirit far exceeded his own; but even the most zealous acknowledged the necessity of deferring to his advice. Accepting, therefore, moderation and prudence as their watchwords, they did little more than coldly resolve, that Boston was suffering in the general cause, and they appointed a committee of intercolonial correspondence, with Dickinson as its chief. On the next day, Dickinson, with calculating reserve, embodied in a letter to Boston the system which, for the comBoston the system which, for the coming year, was to form the policy of America. It proposed a general congress of deputies from the different colonies, who, in firm but dutiful terms, should make to the king a petition of their Chap. II.} 1774. May. rights. This, he was confident, would be granted through the influence of the wise and good in the mother country; and the most sanguine of his supporters predicted that the very idea of a general congress would compel a change of policy. In like manner the fifty-one who now r
each. other, if there remained a hope that the danger would pass by. The Presbyterians, true to their traditions, held it right to war against tyranny; the merchants refused to sacrifice their trade; the Quakers in any event scrupled to use arms; a numerous class, like Reed, cherished the most passionate desire for a Chap. II.} 1774. May. reconciliation with the mother country. In the chaos of opinion, the cause of liberty needed wise and intrepid counsellors; but during the absence of Franklin, Pennsylvania fell under the influence of Dickinson. His claims to public respect were indisputable. He was honored for spotless morals, eloquence, and good service in the colonial legislature his writings had endeared him to America as a sincere friend of liberty. Possessed of an ample fortune, it was his pride to call himself a farmer. Residing at a country seat which overlooked Philadelphia and the Delaware river, he delighted in study and repose, and was wanting in active vigor of w
Hutchinson (search for this): chapter 3
reated Massachusetts to fix the place and time for its meeting. At Boston, the agents and supporters of the British ministers strove to bend the firmness of its people by holding up to the tradesmen the grim picture of misery and want, while Hutchinson promised to obtain in England a restoration of trade if the town would but pay the first cost of the tea. Before his departure, one hundred and twenty-three merchants and others of Boston clandestinely addressed him, lamenting the loss of so goeedy relief; but at a full meeting of merchants and Chap. II.} 1774. May. traders the address was disclaimed. Thirty-three citizens of Marblehead, who signed a similar paper, brought upon themselves the public reprobation of their townsmen. Hutchinson had merited in civil cases the praise of an impartial judge; twenty-four lawyers, including judges of admiralty and attorneys of the crown, subscribed an extravagant panegyric of his general character and conduct; but those who, for learning an
Isaac Sears (search for this): chapter 3
Chapter 2: New York Proposes a general congress. May, 1774. New York anticipated the prayer of Boston. Its Chap. II.} 1774. May. people, who had received the port-act directly from England, felt the wrong to that town, as a wound to themselves, and even the lukewarm kindled with resentment. From the epoch of the stamp-act, their Sons of Liberty, styled by the royalists the Presbyterian junto, had kept up a committee of correspondence. Yet Sears, MacDougal, and Lamb, still its principal members, represented the sympathies of the mechanics of the city, more than of the merchants; and they never enjoyed the full confidence of the great landed proprietors who, by the tenure of estates throughout New York, formed a recognised aristocracy. To unite the whole province on the side of liberty, a more comprehensive combination was, therefore, required. The old committee advocated the questionable policy of an immediate suspension of commerce with Britain; but they also propo
Samuel Adams (search for this): chapter 3
iladelphia, would embrace the same mode of peaceful resistance. The letter which soon arrived from that city, and which required the people of Massachusetts to retreat from their advanced position, was therefore received with impatience. But Samuel Adams suppressed all murmurs. I am fully of the Farmer's sentiments, said he; violence and submission would at this time be equally fatal; but he exerted himself the more to promote the immediate suspension of commerce. The legislature of Massacould not show purer or abler men. The desire of the assembly that he would appoint a fast was refused; for, said he to Dartmouth, the request was only to give an opportunity for sedition to flow from the pulpit. On Saturday, the twentyeighth, Samuel Adams was on the point of proposing a general congress, when the assembly was unexpectedly prorogued, to meet after ten days, at Salem. The people of Boston, then the most flourishing commercial town on the continent, never regretted their being
John Lamb (search for this): chapter 3
Chapter 2: New York Proposes a general congress. May, 1774. New York anticipated the prayer of Boston. Its Chap. II.} 1774. May. people, who had received the port-act directly from England, felt the wrong to that town, as a wound to themselves, and even the lukewarm kindled with resentment. From the epoch of the stamp-act, their Sons of Liberty, styled by the royalists the Presbyterian junto, had kept up a committee of correspondence. Yet Sears, MacDougal, and Lamb, still its principal members, represented the sympathies of the mechanics of the city, more than of the merchants; and they never enjoyed the full confidence of the great landed proprietors who, by the tenure of estates throughout New York, formed a recognised aristocracy. To unite the whole province on the side of liberty, a more comprehensive combination was, therefore, required. The old committee advocated the questionable policy of an immediate suspension of commerce with Britain; but they also propos
Dickinson (search for this): chapter 3
epid counsellors; but during the absence of Franklin, Pennsylvania fell under the influence of Dickinson. His claims to public respect were indisputable. He was honored for spotless morals, eloquendiate cessation of trade. The latter proposition was received with loud and general murmurs. Dickinson conciliated the wavering merchants by expressing himself strongly against it; but he was heardand when the colonies are once united in councils, what may they not effect? At an early hour Dickinson retired from the meeting, of which the spirit far exceeded his own; but even the most zealous ing in the general cause, and they appointed a committee of intercolonial correspondence, with Dickinson as its chief. On the next day, Dickinson, with calculating reserve, embodied in a letter toDickinson, with calculating reserve, embodied in a letter to Boston the system which, for the coming year, was to form the policy of America. It proposed a general congress of deputies from the different colonies, who, in firm but dutiful terms, should make
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