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Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: August 29, 1861., [Electronic resource]. You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

Your search returned 8 results in 3 document sections:

who belonged to the army of the old Union, and who have enjoyed this right, (a vested one as we considered,) when invited to resign our positions in that Government, and enter the Provisional Confederate Government--with the assurance that we should stand in the Confederate Government as we had stood in the old — hardly supposed that we should be shorn of a right which, although it brought us no money, yet secured that which the officer in every department of the army prizes higher than money — to wit, honorable position — that for which he is willing to risk his life. We do not propose to trouble the Congress with any remarks upon the justice of our claim in the abstract. Its justice was fully canvassed in every possible view — not only in our own Congress, but by the proper authorities of Great Britain, where, after the services of one corps in the Crimean war, it was fully accorded as justly due, and in which kingdom it is now enjoyed — all of which is respectfully sub
its part in this war? Was it for love? Why, the hostility of Yankeedom to Great Britain has been proverbial ever since the war of 1812, when its friendship was pald is a fair type of the race. The Yankee loves treason, and he took up for Great Britain in the war indicated because it was treason to do so. But ever since that d very existence of the Government depends upon the negotiation of a loan in Great Britain, the Herald, the Tribune, the Times--all the New York press — daily insult and vilify the British nation Yankeedom could not expect Great Britain to assist her for love. In the meantime, the necessities of Great Britain demand free accGreat Britain demand free access to the ports of the Southern States, to take and carry away the cotton crop, and Mr. Lincoln has taught that necessity has no law. How, then, could the Yankees n that which they see nigh at band? How could they flatter themselves that Great Britain--having the power, and, as it now appears, the will into the bargain — woul
in his hands. But what shall be done with Mr. Russell? We perceived that the troops of Gen. Banks, some of whom had read his letters in the London Times, have already manifested strong dissatisfaction at his presence among them. We cannot wonder at this; and, when the additional facts which we have now brought out become generally known, if Mr. Russell escapes rough handling it can only be by speedily leaving the country. He is a snob of the first water, and belongs to that class in Great Britain whose sentiments to wards us Blackwood recently expressed as follows: "We can feel no special interest in the maintenance of a Union whose origin was in the violent overthrow of British supremacy." We have already invoked the unusual aid of martial law to stop the vilification of our Government at this critical moment, when it wavers between life and death, by a depraved and treacherous press at home. Shall an alien writer, a proved ally of our enemies, whose pen drips gall and whose co