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Divine right. This mediation, a point most singularly overlooked, corresponds not only to the most vital interest to commercial Europe, but also to the most sensible minds that represent the interests of America. Let us remember that President Lincoln had pronounced himself in the same sense as, before him, Generals Burnside and Butler did, against an excitement to a slave war, and that in his last proclamation he called to mind his special message, quoting the following resolution, adopavery, by giving to such State, in its judgment, such a compensation as is required for public or private inconveniences resulting from such a change of system." Let us bring to bear upon this passage another solemn declaration made by President Lincoln in his inauguration address of the 4th of March, 1861:-- "I have no intention to interfere, directly or indirectly, in the question of slavery where it exists; I do not think that I have the right to do so legally, and I am by no means
ating to the movements of the war: Lincoln on a Mysteries journey — Pope, the Rising Hero. On Tuesday, the 24th, Lincoln made a hasty journey through New York, in his "Scotch capped long military cloak," and stopped for nothing, as we are inr? After the return of the President to Washington we expect to learn. Meantime, we conjecture that this visit of President Lincoln to West Point is for the purpose of a military consultation with General Scott, and that the special-object in viewkes administered to General Pope by the late Administration, in consequence of some friendly act or acts of his toward Mr. Lincoln as our President elect. However this may be, our readers may rest assured that it is no holiday amusement that has carried President Lincoln, between a late dinner and a very early breakfast, from Washington to West Point. This mission, we believe, can only relate to the campaign in Virginia; and while in regard thereto General Scott is sought for counsel, Genera
erald thinks that the programme, as intimated by the Manchester Guardian and Lord Palmerston, is to let France "go forward alone, as in the case of Mexico, and that if necessary England and Spain will come to her resene." The thought of this intervention fires the indignation of the virtuous Herald,--the ardent supporter of the vilest tyranny on the face of the earth, --and it utters the following terrible threat towards the three powers who have ventured to trespass upon a continent which Lincoln deems under his especial province and guardianship. When the three powers read this paragraph how can they think longer of intervention? "But the United States will know how to deal with these powers should they attempt to interfere in her domestic concerns. We will soon have an army of three-quarters of a million of men disengaged after the suppression of the rebellion, and a fleet of iron-clad vessels which will sweep the combined navies of France, England, and Spain from the face
ed the proclamation of Butler, and they but reflected the undivided sentiment of the British public — may the civilized world. Both of them thought it incumbent upon the Federal Government to disavow the act of Butler, and hoped that it would. Lincoln, thus admonished, may, through Seward, make an explanation and disavowal of the "infamous" proclamation. It may be said that is now too late — that the lapse of time precludes the Lincoln Minister from the right to disavow it — especially afterhe fact had it led to the violation of multitudes of women. The Parliament is seconded by the press — or rather, the press of England led off in bitter denunciation of the "infamous" proclamation. The New York Herald, now the meek slave of Lincoln, whom it ridiculed and satirized up to the eve of the day when the mob forced its editor to hoist the stars and stripes, is highly indignant at the expression of feeling by Parliament and the press with reference to the proclamation. The Heral