hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
United States (United States) 44 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln 16 0 Browse Search
John B. Floyd 14 0 Browse Search
John Quincy Adams 10 0 Browse Search
Simon Jacobs 6 0 Browse Search
John C. Taylor 6 0 Browse Search
Ashland (Virginia, United States) 6 0 Browse Search
W. N. Pleasants 6 0 Browse Search
Hanover County (Virginia, United States) 6 0 Browse Search
Henrico (Virginia, United States) 6 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of The Daily Dispatch: February 28, 1863., [Electronic resource]. Search the whole document.

Found 81 total hits in 24 results.

1 2 3
Chatham (Canada) (search for this): article 1
lies, its madness, its wickedness, instead of avoiding them, being instructed by its examples. They would admonish us by these examples, and who would have us profit by them are, by the advocates of power and the tools of faction, charged, like Chatham, with being seditions, disloyal, and as being sympathizers with rebellion. Well, sir, this is not strange. Great popular commotions, great civil revolutions, always bring to the surface of society a class of wide in their own conceits, but reon and this Congress shall change their policy, and be governed by wiser counsel in the future than they have been in the past. This may be considered plain talk in the American Senate. Some may even effect to treat it as the honest warning of Chatham to the English Parliament was treated — as disloyal. Had the English Parliament listened to and acted upon his advice, the colonies had been saved to the crown. Had the Administration listened to and acted upon the advice of those whom t
Runnymede (Virginia, United States) (search for this): article 1
sses, except those who, themselves being spies and informers, were conscious of reposing under the shadow of executive protection. Finally, the law and constitution were appealed to for protection against executive tyranny. That Constitution, which was made for all times, for peace as well as war, declared that no man should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law. This guarantee of personal freedom had been extorted by the English barons, swords in hand, at Runnymede, from the haughty and oppressive John, five hundred years ago, and had been the birthright of every Englishman since. It was the birthright of the framers of the Federal Constitution, and they inserted it in that instrument, that no power should ever deprive their children of it. The proclamation of September 29th. Mr. President, not with standing that Congress-alone can rightfully suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, Abraham Lincoln, elected to be President of the
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): article 1
ucing them, or affording the pretext, if you please, for so doing, have been honorably avoided by wise counsels ? I assert that it could, and history will so adjudge. When civil war is certain unless averted by a peaceable and honorable adjustment of differences, and when such adjustment is practicable, to refuse adjustment is to act criminally.--You know, the country knows, and history will record, and has recorded, the fact that secession never would have occurred beyond the limits of South Carolina, had Congress adopted promptly the Crittenden compromise measures, which were in substance nothing more nor less than a solemn guarantee that the Constitution should hereafter be considered to mean what it had been solemnly decided by the highest legal tribunal already to mean.--By their adoption, war would have been averted, peace maintained, and the Union preserved. The Reign of Terror. Misjudging the temper and character of the American people, they sought to prevent all remo
New York (New York, United States) (search for this): article 1
nions he did are properly to be charged with being actuated by a different sentiment from that by which he was actuated. I presume it will not be denied that Mr. Adams uttered the words which I am about to read I have not the address in pamphlet form, but I have it from a newspaper professing to give the time and place, and the persons who were present on the occasion. The extract which I shall read is contained in an address before the Historical Society of New York, delivered in the city of New York on the 30th of April, 1839. Mr. Adams argued in the address that no State had a right to nullify an act of Congress, that no State had a right to secedes from the Union. I believe every word he said in reference to both those matters, and I choose now, sir, to believe what he further said on that occasion when he declared: "But the indissoluble link of union between the people of the several States of this confederated nation is after all not in the right, but in the heart. If th
Delaware (Delaware, United States) (search for this): article 1
Lincoln's Usurpations.speech of Mr. Saulsbury,of Delaware, in the United States Senate, Jan. 8th, 1863. [From the New York Caucasian.] Mr. Saulsbury.--Mr. President, when the injustice and intolerance of the British ministry were forcing an issue between the parent country and the colonies in reference to the power of Parliament to impose taxes upon the latter without their consent, the remonstrances of the ablest English statesmen were treated by the advocates of power as the utterances o that the God of heaven may even now aid the benighted counsels of this Administration, that they may retrace their steps, and that by prudence of action and wisdom of counsel they may again cause one national flag to wave not only over the State of Delaware and the States now in the Confederacy, but again to wave from the lakes to the gulf, and from ocean to ocean, the emblem of a united, happy prosperous, and great people. John Quincy Adams on Coercion. But, sir, I have digressed. I
Bonaparte (search for this): article 1
litical revolution, without some cause more or less great, more or less justifiable. All Governments consider revolutions against their authority as without cause. Were their judgments of the rightfulness or wrongfulness of the exercise of power by themselves and of resistance thereto by others admitted as the infallible rule, liberty could not exist, but despotism would everywhere prevail. According to such a standard of judgment, the great English revolution was a stupendous crime. No Bourbon could see aught but criminality in the French revolution, and the American struggle for independence was regarded by the English King and Ministry, and even by the English people, with as great abhorrence as a wicked resistance to rightful authority as we affect to regard the resistance of the revolted States to Federal authority. The law of revolutions, or that by which their character in most generally determined, is that "might makes right;" that success is justification. The impar
United States (United States) (search for this): article 1
rity. Is this a Government of the people of the United States as a quasi political body, acting rightfully by Abraham Lincoln, elected to be President of the United States, but by his acts assuming to be tyrant over the States in revolt, but throughout the whole United States; to seize peaceable citizens in nine other Stateot only in the States in revolt, but "within the United States," and all persons discouraging enlistment, resismfort to the rebels against the authority of the United States, shall be subject to martial law and liable to te have been "hastiled" in different parts of the United States--"out off from their, family, their friends, andn declares that "the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thurn to their allegiance to the Government of the United States, and to live under the Constitution as it is andn will be received into the armed service of the United States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and oth
Beauregard (search for this): article 1
affairs than to see whether a pretext for a war cannot be had by tempting the seceders to strike the first blow. It is struck, and immediately the cry rings throughout the land that the rebels have fired upon the national flag, that Sumter has fallen, and that the rebellion must be crushed out.--Seventy-five thousand volunteers are called into the field, soon to be followed by half a million more, and "On to Richmond !" is the cry. War exists not by the act of Congress, but by the act of Beauregard and Abraham Lincoln. Better, far better for this country, had neither of them ever been born. The war could have been averted. Mr. President, this war was either necessary or it was unnecessary. If necessary, it was only so for the purpose of preserving national existence and the constitutional rights of the people. If indispensable for these purposes, it was justifiable. If not so indispensable, it was a crime. Was it necessary ?--Could not the Union have been preserved and
Pope (search for this): article 1
r friends an imperishable renown. Your name will be transmitted to future generations in the glorious catalogue of those who have bravely died in defence of liberty, and will be remembered to the "latest syllable of time." The Abolition proclamation. Another measure adopted by the President, professedly as a necessary measure to suppress rebellion, is his proclamation of the 1st inst, proclaiming freedom to nearly three millions of slaves in the revolted States. A brutum fulmen. A Pope's bull, as he himself has well said, against the comet. Are the slaves whom he declares free in his possession or that of their masters? Has he or they control over them? Can his paper bull give them practical liberty? If it can, surely it can do some other and more efficient things toward suppressing rebellion. If it is so potential, why not issue another declaring that the eyes of the rebels shall all immediately drop out?--They could not then see to fight against him. Why not still an
William H. Seward (search for this): article 1
f the American people, they sought to prevent all remonstrance against whatever means they chose to adopt to accomplish their purpose, by governing a free people by appeals to their fears. Mobs became their instruments of vengeance, and where these could not conveniently be invoked, executive tyranny laid its lawless hand upon the unoffending but suspected victim, and forts and bastilles opened, and closed their ponderous doors upon him.--Was not Abraham Lincoln President, and was not William H. Seward his prime minister, and who dared say aught against their infallibility ? The espionage of Napoleon sank into insignificance as an agency of oppression in comparison with that practiced under the administration of Abraham Lincoln. Men conversed in whispers; even woman dare not speak above her breath. A deadly tremor seized upon all classes, except those who, themselves being spies and informers, were conscious of reposing under the shadow of executive protection. Finally, the la
1 2 3