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Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): article 10
ssue of the Emancipation proclamation as before it." If that is all he can say we do not wonder at his adding that it would not do to be "sanguine of a speedy and final triumph. " He appears, in fact, to be opening his eyes at last to the hopeless political difficulties which would surround him in any dealings with the seceded States. It is satisfactory to see that he repudiates the force of treating as of any importance the pretended Union sentiments of packed meetings in Mississippi and Tennessee--"Any compromise to be effective must be made with the rebel army or those who control it, or with the population it command;" and he denies that any overture has ever been made to his Government by either of these Powers. The Confederate Government show no sign of making any such proposals. The comparatively quiet intelligence which we publish to-day tells of patient and determined resistance at every point; and, with characteristic awkwardness, while admitting that the only advances to
The London times on Lincoln's last letter. The London Times, of the 14th, closes an editorial reviewing the condition of American affairs, as follows: But the political news is far the most interesting and important part of the intelligence we publish to-day. The letter of President Lincoln to the New York State Convention of the Republican party is pitched in a very different key from the letters we have been accustomed to receive from Mr. Seward. It is remarkable that at the moharacteristic awkwardness, while admitting that the only advances toward peace can come from the army and its leaders, Mr. Lincoln throws the greatest possible difficulty in the way of their ever thinking of any such overture by letting it be undersibly their execution, they will certainly strain every nerve to induce the Southern people to fight to the last. Mr. Lincoln declares; too, that no compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. He commits himself, in so m
proposals. The comparatively quiet intelligence which we publish to-day tells of patient and determined resistance at every point; and, with characteristic awkwardness, while admitting that the only advances toward peace can come from the army and its leaders, Mr. Lincoln throws the greatest possible difficulty in the way of their ever thinking of any such overture by letting it be understood that the leaders of the secession would be the only persons excepted from any amnesty. While President Davis, and the able men who surround him knew that whatever might be the result to their country their submission would be followed by their own ruin, and possibly their execution, they will certainly strain every nerve to induce the Southern people to fight to the last. Mr. Lincoln declares; too, that no compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. He commits himself, in so many words, to a war of conquest, to last possibly, by his own admission, for years, and w
The London times on Lincoln's last letter. The London Times, of the 14th, closes an editorial reviewing the condition of American affairs, as follows: But the political news is far the most interesting and important part of the intelligence we publish to-day. The letter of President Lincoln to the New York State Convention of the Republican party is pitched in a very different key from the letters we have been accustomed to receive from Mr. Seward. It is remarkable that at the most successful moment of the war, while daily expecting to hear that the fall of Charleston had followed that of Vicksburg, the President speaks in a graver and more sober tone than has yet reached us from the Federal Government. "The war," he says, "progresses as favorably since the issue of the Emancipation proclamation as before it." If that is all he can say we do not wonder at his adding that it would not do to be "sanguine of a speedy and final triumph. " He appears, in fact, to be opening hi