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Mr. Brooks replied that he never would acknowledge the independence of the South. God has made us one people. Mr. Wilson repeated; If all means should fail would the gentleman wage war for the suppression of the rebellion. Mr. Brooks replied; "God made this country for one people; but war was not the civilized remedy for the disease. Our first duty is to try conciliation." He then cited six length the resolutions moved in the British Parliament from 1774 to 1787, by Chatham, Burke, Fox and others, to show that these great men were for compromise and honorable concessions, and that what they begged to be given at the start. Lord North had to otler in the middle; while in the end independence had to be given. The lesson was one for us now. History was but repealing itself. If we attempt negotiation, and the South refuse to hear, the South will be divided and the North united. The war will be by the ballot-box in the Southern country. Our remedy is not the sword and
The chief excellence of Edmund Burke's speeches is, that, though they sprung from the topics of the day, they are for all time, and for the general experience ss which it had brought to the British arms, were eagerly crying out for peace, Burke was preparing his celebrated "Letters upon a Regicide Peace," in which he endeaibility of there ever being listened to. The same thing was done in the days of Burke, during the war with the French Republic. Commissioners were even sent, who were haughtily respected. Burke deprecated these attempts to obtain a peace. He believed that they had the effect of hardening the determination of the enemy from thbounded terror. Such is precisely the object of all the peace movements here.--Burke believed that no peace could be obtained without fighting for it, and so we believe with regard to the present war. "People," says Burke, "imagine that it is in our power to make peace with this monster of a State whenever we choose to for