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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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J. J. Webster (search for this): chapter 1.1
o those extremities? What else could the South do but separate, if possible, from the majority which ruled the government, and were animated by such feelings? Mr. Webster, the great apostle of Union in 1851, had said: I do not hesitate to say and repeat, that if the Northern States refuse wilfully or deliberately to carry into efd to carry into effect that part of the constitution? Was the South bound any longer to keep the compact, according to this high authority? In this opinion of Mr. Webster, Mr. Jefferson undoubtedly concurred. Says Lunt, p. 203: Mr. Jefferson took a different view of the subject, and it is proper to give his opinion as stated by proves that we did not suspect her wrongfully. The South had either to acquiesce in this oppression tamely and submissively, or fight to avert it. According to Mr. Webster, she had the constitutional right to do this; according to Mr. Greeley, she had the moral right to do this. She fought to avert these injuries, and because she
L. Q. Washington (search for this): chapter 1.1
cure peace and tranquility at home and respect abroad, Virginia first moved to bring about a more perfect union. At her instance the first assemblage of commissioners took place at Annapolis, which ultimately led to the meeting of the convention which formed the present constitution. This instrument itself was in a great measure the production of one of her sons, who has been justly styled the father of the constitution. The government created by it was put into operation with her Washington, the father of his country, at its head; her Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence, in his cabinet; her Madison, the great advocate of the constitution, in the legislative hall. Under the leading of Virginia statesmen the Revolution of 1798 was brought about, Louisiana was acquired, and the second war of independence was waged. Throughout the whole progress of the republic she has never infringed on the rights of any State, or asked or received an exclusive benefit
Gabriel Toombs (search for this): chapter 1.1
itive slaves. Long before the secession of the slave States, it had become almost impossible, without the assistance of armed forces, to reclaim a fugitive slave openly in the free States. Lunt, p. 320, says: At length fourteen of the sixteen free States had provided statutes which rendered any attempt to execute the fugitive slave act so difficult as to be practically impossible, and placed each of those States in an attitude of virtual resistance to the laws of the United States. When Mr. Toombs, in the Senate of the United States, during the session in which he withdrew from that body, referred to these laws and taxed the free States with their violations of constitutional obligation, in evidence of which he produced these statutes, it was pitiful to hear the excuses by which the representatives of these States sought to squirm out of the difficulty — a difficulty for which the executives of Ohio and Iowa would scarcely have cared to apologize, if it be true, as doubtless it is,
Ohio (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
the father of his country, under whose guidance independence was achieved, and the rights and liberties of each State, it was hoped, perpetually established. She stood undismayed through the long night of the Revolution, breasting the storm of war and pouring out the blood of her sons like water on almost every battle-field, from the ramparts of Quebec to the sands of Georgia. By her own unaided efforts the northwestern territory was conquered, whereby the Mississippi, instead of the Ohio river, was recognized as the boundary of the United States by the treaty of peace. To secure harmony, and as an evidence of her estimate of the value of the union of the States, she ceded to all for their common benefit this magnificent region — an empire in itself. When the articles of confederation were shown to be inadequate to secure peace and tranquility at home and respect abroad, Virginia first moved to bring about a more perfect union. At her instance the first assemblage of com
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
made the predominance of the non-slaveholding section in the government irresistible. The abolition of the slave-trade, after a time, by the constitution and the northwestern ordinance, left the growing superiority of that section not even doubtful. But the acquisition of Louisiana made another order of growth in political power possible as between the two sections. The bare possibility of such a result kindled a violent opposition in some portions of the non-slaveholding section. In New England it was particularly angry, and there sprung up for the first time in the history of our government audible threats of separation. The land hunger of the Anglo-Saxon race, as Theodore Parker calls it, soon quieted the opposition to the acquisition of territory, but a far more bitter strife arose as to the equal rights of the two sections to settle the vacant territory of the Union and grow possibly part passu in power. So fierce was the strife, and so loud its tumult, that for the first
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
ia, for whom alone the convention could act, against the oppression of an irresponsible and sectional majority, the worst form of oppression with which an angry Providence has ever afflicted humanity. Whilst, therefore, we regret that any State should, in a matter of common grievance, have determined to act for herself without may not be obstructed by hostile opposition to the enjoyment of that separate and independent existence which we have asserted, and which, with the blessing of Providence, we intend to maintain. Our present position has been achieved in a manner unprecedented in the history of nations. It illustrates the American idea that gous, and the integrity and jurisdiction of our territory be assailed, it will but remain for us with a firm resolve to appeal to arms and invoke the blessings of Providence upon a just cause. As a consequence of our new constitution, and with a view to meet our anticipated wants, it will be necessary to provide a speedy and effi
Montgomery (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
other Southern States, or alone, such measures as may seem most expedient to protect the rights and insure the safety of the people of Virginia. And in the event of a change in our relations to the other States being rendered necessary, that the convention so elected should recommend to the people, for their adoption, such alterations in our State constitution as may adapt it to the altered condition of the State and country. Inaugural address of President Jefferson Davis at Montgomery, Alabama, February, 1861. Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate States of America: Called to the difficult and responsible station of Executive Chief of the Provisional Government which you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned me with an humble distrust of my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the wisdom of those who are to aid and guide me in the administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the patriotism and virtue of the pe
Annapolis (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
oundary of the United States by the treaty of peace. To secure harmony, and as an evidence of her estimate of the value of the union of the States, she ceded to all for their common benefit this magnificent region — an empire in itself. When the articles of confederation were shown to be inadequate to secure peace and tranquility at home and respect abroad, Virginia first moved to bring about a more perfect union. At her instance the first assemblage of commissioners took place at Annapolis, which ultimately led to the meeting of the convention which formed the present constitution. This instrument itself was in a great measure the production of one of her sons, who has been justly styled the father of the constitution. The government created by it was put into operation with her Washington, the father of his country, at its head; her Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence, in his cabinet; her Madison, the great advocate of the constitution, in the leg
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
When this Union was originally formed, the United States embraced too many degrees of latitude and by a compromise excluding slavery from the United States Territories north of a line 36° 30′ north xclude slavery from the territories of the United States, and they had the strength to do it, if ththe States, or slavery in places where the United States had exclusive jurisdiction, or in the Disties. So thought, too, the people of the Confederate States, and they did fight. They waged a war fone of her sons. She furnished to the Confederate States the father of his country, under whose gution being derived from the people of the United States, may be resumed by them whenever they shalr oppression? Not the whole people of the United States, for there could be no oppression of the wrage and patriotism of the people of the Confederate States will be found equal to any measures of dte our own welfare, the secession of the Confederate States has been marked by no aggression upon ot[12 more...]
Virginia (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
mous northwestern ordinance, to which the old Virginia fathers were driven by their abhorrence of slre by the past. Indeed, an armed invasion of Virginia had been just made by John Brown, with the avf spirit also. She did not wish — certainly, Virginia did not desire it — if she could maintain hern J. Allen, President of the Supreme court of Virginia, and adopted with but two dissenting voices. ax the colonies without their consent, it was Virginia who, by the resolutions against the stamp actarted the first impulse to the Revolution. Virginia declared her independence before any of the cthe legislative hall. Under the leading of Virginia statesmen the Revolution of 1798 was brought nfederate States, cannot admit of question in Virginia. Our people in convention, by their act ofurt, in February, 1775, to the delegates from Virginia to the Continental Congress, That we desire nrights and insure the safety of the people of Virginia. And in the event of a change in our relat[3 more...]<
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