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Texas (Texas, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
st report rose to a parliamentary storm when the second came under discussion. On the seventh day the convention came to a vote, and, the Northern delegates being in the majority, the minority report was substituted for that of the majority of the committee by one hundred and sixty-five to one hundred and thirty-eight delegates — in other words, the Douglas platform was declared adopted. Upon this the delegates of the cotton States-Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas-withdrew from the convention. It soon appeared, however, that the Douglas delegates had achieved only a barren victory. Their majority could indeed adopt a platform, but, under the acknowledged two-thirds rule which governs Democratic national conventions, they had not sufficient votes to nominate their candidate. During the fifty-seven ballots taken, the Douglas men could muster only one hundred and fifty-two and one half votes of the two hundred and two necessary to a choi
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
ingle candidate. The Democratic leaders in the Southern States had become more and more outspoken in their pro-slavery demands. They had advanced step by step from the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, the attempt to capture Kansas by Missouri invasions in 1855 and 1856, the support of the Dred Scott decision and the Lecompton fraud in 1857, the repudiation of Douglas's Freeport heresy in 1858, to the demand for a congressional slave code for the Territories and the recognition of thech to hold its sessions, and it was estimated that ten thousand persons were assembled in it to witness the proceedings. William H. Seward of New York was recognized as the leading candidate, but Chase of Ohio, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Bates of Missouri, and several prominent Republicans from other States were known to have active and zealous followers. The name of Abraham Lincoln had also often been mentioned during his growing fame, and, fully a year before, an ardent Republican editor of Il
Mississippi (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
ressional slave code for the Territories and the recognition of the doctrine of property in slaves. These last two points they had distinctly formulated in the first session of the Thirty-sixth Congress. On January 18, 1860, Senator Brown of Mississippi introduced into the Senate two resolutions, one asserting the nationality of slavery, the other that, when necessary, Congress should pass laws for its protection in the Territories. On February 2 Jefferson Davis introduced another series of substituted for that of the majority of the committee by one hundred and sixty-five to one hundred and thirty-eight delegates — in other words, the Douglas platform was declared adopted. Upon this the delegates of the cotton States-Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas-withdrew from the convention. It soon appeared, however, that the Douglas delegates had achieved only a barren victory. Their majority could indeed adopt a platform, but, under the ack
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
go were men not only of exceptional standing and ability, but filled with the warmest zeal for Mr. Lincoln's success; and they were able at once to impress upon delegates from other States his sterling personal worth and fitness, and his superior availability. It needed but little political arithmetic to work out the sum of existing political chances. It was almost self-evident that in the coming November election victory or defeat would hang upon the result in the four pivotal States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois. It was quite certain that no Republican candidate could carry a single one of the fifteen slave States; and equally sure that Breckinridge, on his extreme pro-slavery platform, could not carry a single one of the eighteen free States. But there was a chance that one or more of these four pivotal free States might cast its vote for Douglas and popular sovereignty. A candidate was needed, therefore, who could successfully cope with Douglas and the
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
tates delegates, and in a Senate debate Davis laid down the plain proposition, We want nothing more than a simple declaration that negro slaves are property, and we want the recognition of the obligation of the Federal government to protect that property like all other. Upon the reassembling of the Charleston convention at Baltimore, it underwent a second disruption on the fifth day; the Northern wing nominated Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, and the Southern wing John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky as their respective candidates for President. In the meanwhile, also, regular and irregular delegates from some twenty-two States, representing fragments of the old Whig party, had convened at Baltimore on May g and nominated John Bell of Tennessee as their candidate for President, upon a platform ignoring the slavery issue and declaring that they would recognize no other political principle than the Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws.
Ohio (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
led in it to witness the proceedings. William H. Seward of New York was recognized as the leading candidate, but Chase of Ohio, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Bates of Missouri, and several prominent Republicans from other States were known to have activeuse that no concerted effort, such as you suggest, should be made. He had given an equally positive answer to an eager Ohio friend in the preceding July; but about Christmas, 1859, an influential caucus of his strongest Illinois adherents made a as about to be adopted without objection, when a flurry of discussion arose over an amendment, proposed by Mr. Giddings of Ohio, to incorporate in it that phrase of the Declaration of Independence which declares the right of all men to life, liberty,would break the spell. Before the lapse of a minute, David K. Cartter sprang upon his chair and reported a change of four Ohio votes from Chase to Lincoln. Then a teller shouted a name toward the skylight, and the boom of cannon from the roof of th
Jefferson Davis's resolutions the Charleston convention majority and minority reports cotton State delegations secede Charleston convention Adjourns Democratic Baltimore convention Splits Breckinridge nominated Douglas nominated Bell nominated by Union constitutional convention Chicago convention Lincoln's letters to Pickett and Judd the pivotal States Lincoln nominated During the month of December, 1859, Mr. Lincoln was invited to the Territory of Kansas, where he ridge of Kentucky as their respective candidates for President. In the meanwhile, also, regular and irregular delegates from some twenty-two States, representing fragments of the old Whig party, had convened at Baltimore on May g and nominated John Bell of Tennessee as their candidate for President, upon a platform ignoring the slavery issue and declaring that they would recognize no other political principle than the Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement o
Edward Bates (search for this): chapter 10
ted in which to hold its sessions, and it was estimated that ten thousand persons were assembled in it to witness the proceedings. William H. Seward of New York was recognized as the leading candidate, but Chase of Ohio, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Bates of Missouri, and several prominent Republicans from other States were known to have active and zealous followers. The name of Abraham Lincoln had also often been mentioned during his growing fame, and, fully a year before, an ardent Republican esubsided, and the chairman announced that balloting would begin. Many spectators had provided themselves with tally-lists, and when the first roll-call was completed were able at once to perceive the drift of popular preference. Cameron, Chase, Bates, McLean, Dayton, and Collamer were indorsed by the substantial votes of their own States; but two names stood out in marked superiority: Seward, who had received one hundred and seventy-three and one half votes, and Lincoln, one hundred and two.
John Sherman (search for this): chapter 10
a basis for the national Democratic platform, the central points of which were that the right to take and hold slaves in the Territories could neither be impaired nor annulled, and that it was the duty of Congress to supply any deficiency of laws for its protection. Perhaps even more significant than these formulated doctrines was the pro-slavery spirit manifested in the congressional debates. Two months were wasted in a parliamentary struggle to prevent the election of the Republican, John Sherman, as Speaker of the House of Representatives, because the Southern members charged that he had recommended an abolition book; during which time the most sensational and violent threats of disunion were made in both the --louse and the Senate, containing repeated declarations that they would never submit to the inauguration of a Black Republican President. When the national Democratic convention met at Charleston, on April 23, 1860, there at once became evident the singular condition th
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 10
eeches the Cooper Institute speech New England speeches the Democratic schism- Senator Brown's resolutions Jefferson Davis's resolutions the Charleston convention majority and minority reports cotton State delegations secede Charlery, the other that, when necessary, Congress should pass laws for its protection in the Territories. On February 2 Jefferson Davis introduced another series of resolutions intended to serve as a basis for the national Democratic platform, the cent a resolution to reassemble in Baltimore on June 18. Nothing was gained, however, by the delay. In the interim, Jefferson Davis and nineteen other Southern leaders published an address commending the withdrawal of the cotton States delegates, and in a Senate debate Davis laid down the plain proposition, We want nothing more than a simple declaration that negro slaves are property, and we want the recognition of the obligation of the Federal government to protect that property like all oth
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